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>From Int'l Herald Tribune

Paris, Friday, March 26, 1999


Russia's Grand Reform Hopes Wilt


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By David Hoffman Washington Post Service
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MOSCOW - Two years ago, when Russia reluctantly signed an agreement with
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, there were signs that the Titan of
Eurasia was being welcomed into the West.

Russia floated Eurobonds, its tycoons jetted to London and New York in
search of capital and, at the Denver summit talks that summer, President
Boris Yeltsin was toasted by the exclusive club of the wealthy nations.

But when Prime Minister Yevgeni Primakov aborted his visit to Washington
and turned his plane around in midair this week, it was a sign of how
difficult Russia's road to integration with the West had become.

The Balkans crisis, and Russia's economic woes, have thrown into sharp
relief how the earlier hopes have been dashed.

Now, Russia is practically begging to get back into the International
Monetary Fund lending program. It is all but closed off from borrowing new
capital on global markets, and many analysts think it will default on some
of its existing external debts.

The tycoons have been shipwrecked by the ruble and debt crisis of August.
The Balkans attack has led Russia to freeze its already-weak connections
with the Atlantic alliance. And Mr. Yeltsin's direct, personal protests
against the Yugoslavia offensive were all but ignored.

Russia does not appear to be marching deliberately toward a new isolation
from the West, according to many analysts and politicians here. Rather, it
appears to be sliding down a slope, flailing about, out of weakness,
humiliation and anger.

Grigori Yavlinsky, the economist and leader of the centrist Yabloko bloc in
Parliament, compared the midair maneuver by Mr. Primakov to the exploits of
a famous Soviet pilot, Valeri Chkalov, who was known for his daring stunts,
but who eventually pushed the envelope too far and died in a crash.

For Russia, the question being asked by many politicians and analysts today
is how to avoid Chkalov's fate. The attack on Yugoslavia has reignited an
all-important argument about whether Russia is heading for renewed
isolation from the global community, and whether it can afford it.

Both Mr. Yeltsin and Mr. Primakov are being buffeted by conflicting demands
and needs. They have taken a rhetorical leap away from the West in their
reaction to the bombing of Yugoslavia, but they have been desperately
clinging to the hope that they can revive badly-needed Western financial a
id.

In his appearances on Thursday, Mr. Primakov denounced the NATO attack as
an ''enormous threat to stability'' but then insisted that in two days he
would be back at the table with the IMF managing- director, Michel
Camdessus, with whom he was supposed to meet in Washington.

Mr. Primakov said, ''We are reckoning on fruitful talks with the IMF'' and
took pains to emphasize that Russia ''remains an organic part of the world
community and there is no isolationism.''

But the ever-cautious Mr. Primakov also betrayed some uncertainty about
whether Russia will get fresh loans to cover the $4.5 billion coming due to
the IMF this year.

He told cabinet ministers Thursday that ''inner resources must be mobilized
now, to the maximum mobilized and used.''

Mr. Primakov's remarks came as Russians also saw their favorite street
barometer of the economy take another dive: The ruble exchange rate
weakened dramatically against the dollar and again hit new lows for the
year.

On the NATO attack, Mr. Yeltsin's words were strong, too, saying it was a
''gross error by the Americans, American diplomacy and Clinton, a gross
error.''

But Mr. Yeltsin's actions spoke volumes about Russia's weaknesses. He
quickly and firmly rejected the idea that Russia could take any military
response to the Balkans attack, as had been suggested by some nationalists
and Communists.

''There are so-called extreme measures,'' he said. ''However, we decided
not to use extreme measures. We decided to be above this. In other words,
in the moral sense, we are above America.''

Igor Bunin, a political analyst, said that Russian public opinion was also
rent by conflicting attitudes toward the West that have come out in recent
days. ''If you follow our polls,'' he said, ''you will notice that the love
for the West which occurred spontaneously at the end of the 1980s, the
beginning of the 1990s, is waning. The honeymoon lasted until 1994-95, and
then anti-Western, anti-American sentiments appeared. There was a crisis of
identity.''

The economic crisis last August demonstrated that ''Russia would not be
able to survive going its own special way,'' he added, ''and Russians felt
they desperately needed Western money.''

''After the United States inflicted this strike on Yugoslavia, many people
felt this urge to tweak Americans on the nose,'' he said, ''to show them
that they are not the only hegemony in the world.''

Mr. Bunin said Mr. Primakov was a pragmatist trying to balance the
conflicting desires. ''On one hand he is trying to raise people's national
pride and dignity when he turns around his plane. On the other hand, he is
not severing ties with the West.''

The strike on Yugoslavia, unleashing emotional blasts from the nationalists
and Communists who dominate the lower house of Parliament may once again
put off another key piece of unfinished business between Russia and the
West, the START-2 strategic arms treaty.

Signed in 1993 but still unratified by the State Duma, the lower house of
Parliament, there were signs in recent weeks that it could soon be
approved. Mr. Yeltsin sent a compromise version to the Duma, and debate was
set for April 2.


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