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Second Amendment

Gun Rights Upheld in Lubbock

Judge Sets Precedent By Upholding Constitutional Right to Bear Arms

LUBBOCK, Texas (AP) -- A federal judge dismissed charges against a man
accused of breaking an arcane law that prohibits someone under a
restraining order from owning a gun.
Legal experts said Friday the decision set an important precedent that
could be the basis for challenges to other gun-control laws.

"If appealed, this could be the springboard for a definitive Supreme
Court ruling on the Second Amendment," said Stephen Holbrook, an
attorney who represented sheriffs in a successful challenge to
provisions of the federal Brady gun-control law. ``That could have wide
implications.''

The case revolves around Timothy Joe Emerson, a doctor in San Angelo who
was arrested last year and charged with violating a restraining order
after brandishing a handgun in front of his wife and her daughter.

Defense attorneys argued that Emerson has a right to own guns under the
Second Amendment and that any law infringing upon that is
unconstitutional.

U.S. District Judge Sam Cummings agreed, ruling on Thursday that the
Second Amendment right to bear arms is a protected individual right --
and not just a right belonging to an organized militia, as federal
prosecutors contended.

Cummings said he based his decision on a ``historical examination of the
right to bear arms, from English antecedents to the drafting of the
Second Amendment.''

Government lawyers planned to appeal.

Activists on both sides of the issue agreed that the decision could be
the first in which a judge specifically called a law unconstitutional
because it infringed on an individual's Second Amendment rights.

"This has monumental potential," said former state Sen. Jerry Patterson,
who authored the law that allows Texans to carry concealed handguns.
``If federal prosecutors proceed with an appeal, this could be the case
that the court uses to directly rule on the issue.''

Anti-gun activists, however, assailed the case as an anomaly that will
probably be overturned.

"No gun-control law has ever been struck down because of the Second
Amendment," said Brian Morton, a spokesman for Center to Prevent Handgun
Violence in Washington, D.C.

"With all respect to the judge, this goes almost totally contrary to all
decisions on the matter," Morton said. "This is a case that is screaming
for appeal."

Associated Press, April 2, 1999



Kosovo/Vietnam

Belgrade Bombs Unite Serbs Behind Milosevic

Now, let's see, which one is Hitler? Clinton or Milosevich?

THE chief of Yugoslavia's army has vowed to fight on in the wake of
yesterday morning's bombing of Belgrade. The raid seemed only to
strengthen Serb resolve, leaving Nato ever more reliant on military
options.
In a defiant message to his troops, General Dragoljub Ojdanic warned:
"The Yugoslav army has fulfilled all its tasks so far and is ready to
fulfil them to the end as long as there is any form of aggression
against us."

The cruise missile attacks on two government ministries were the first
against the Yugoslav capital since the conflict began 12 days ago,
signalling a stepping-up of the bombing campaign.

As daylight broke and Belgrade's air-raid sirens sounded the all-clear,
Serbs emerged on to the streets yesterday to the shocking reality that
the heart of the city had been bombed for the first time since 1941.

Eight cruise missiles slammed into the interior ministry and police
headquarters, the buildings from which the campaign of terror in Kosovo
has been conducted, setting them ablaze. The precision attacks left
nearby buildings untouched; there were no reports of casualties,
although 70 new-born babies and their mothers were evacuated from a
neighbouring hospital to an underground bunker. "The flames almost
licked our clinic," said Spasoje Petkovic, the obstetrician on duty.
Speaking on television while the buildings were still burning behind
him, Vlajko Stojiljkovic, the Serbian interior minister, described the
attack by "Clinton and Nato's neo-Nazis" as "an act of monsters and
criminals".

With the Allies intensifying the air war, there is deepening confusion
in London and Washington over how to end the conflict, even if President
Slobodan Milosevic were to signal he had had enough of the bombing. No
one is talking about the peace deal hammered out last month in France.
Under the Rambouillet agreement, Kosovo would remain formally part of
Serbia but run its own affairs, protected by a 28,000-strong Nato-led
force. The constitutional status of Kosovo would be decided after three
years. It was the Yugoslav president's refusal to sign up to the
Rambouillet deal, thereby to accept what he saw as an army of occupation
while withdrawing his troops from Kosovo, that provided Nato with the
justification to drop bombs on Serbia.

Now, in the second week of bombing, Foreign Office officials look
acutely embarrassed at the mention of Rambouillet. They never mention it
unless forced, and then dismiss it obliquely as "a political aim and not
the military objective, which is to end the humanitarian crisis".

Policy-makers admit that they have been "wrong-footed" by the ferocity
of the Serbian campaign to rid Kosovo of the ethnic Albanians who make
up 90 per cent of the population. Mr Milosevic, only a month ago
regarded as someone to sign deals with, is now talked of by officials as
Hitler, Stalin and Pol Pot rolled into one. "Rambouillet is dead," said
Professor Paul Wilkinson, chairman of international relations at St
Andrews. "It doesn't make any sense to have a fudgy compromise where
these poor people are expected to live under Milosevic's rule. It would
be like expecting the people of Belgium after the Second World War to
live under a government headed by Himmler or Hitler."

But if Rambouillet is consigned to the dustbin, the new objective is
unclear. As refugees stream out of Kosovo, Nato seems further than ever
from achieving the goal of protecting the 1.8 million Kosovars. "We
cannot make the same mistake as we did with Saddam," insists Prof
Wilkinson. "If Nato is really to do the job properly and be believed in,
it must settle for nothing less than the removal of this ghastly
dictator. Otherwise, the moment we relax our guard he'll grab another
slice of the Balkans in the name of a greater Yugoslavia."

Ministry of Defence officials insist that the sustained bombing is
taking its toll on Serbian targets, even though low cloud over the
Balkans has hampered air raids. "We always knew this would be a long
campaign," they insist, adding that the arrival of US B1B all-weather
bombers has boosted their capability. Mr Milosevic's forces, they claim,
are critically short of fuel, although they offer no evidence to back
the claim.

Despite the direct hits on the interior ministry and police
headquarters, the government in Belgrade shows no sign of the collapse
that some had assumed Nato air strikes would provoke. Instead, the bombs
have united the country behind Mr Milosevic in a wave of patriotic
fervour. Throughout yesterday Serbian residents were fed television
pictures of the burning Belgrade skyline as politicians queued up to
compare Nato and Bill Clinton to the Nazis, the city's last attackers.

Angry demonstrators with targets pinned to their clothes chanted
"Serbia, Serbia" in Belgrade. "We all knew something like this might
happen but still we didn't really expect it," said Dragan, 29, an
engineer. "It is a terrible shock to realise your own city can be
bombed."

While the initiative rests with Mr Milosevic, Nato is in a race against
time before the Yugoslavs rid the entire province of Kosovars. Officials
warned that at the current rate Kosovo would be empty of ethnic
Albanians within 10 to 20 days.

The London Telegraph, April 4, 1999


Kosovo/Vietnam

Clinton and Albright Lit Kosovo's Fire

The President & Secretary of State toast marshmellows

President Clinton and Secretary of State Madeleine Albright set the
stage for the catastrophe in Kosovo. If there were a Nobel Prize for
ineptitude in diplomacy, they would be its joint recipients.
Doing a bad imitation of Vito Corleone at Rambouillet, Albright told the
Serbs she would have their signature on the peace accord or their
brains. The deal they were told to accept, or else, involved immediate
autonomy for Kosovo and a three-year transition toward unspecified
goals, supervised by NATO troops.

It didn't take a genius to see that the transition would be to
independence.

That's fine for ethnic Albanians, 90 percent of the population, but
tough luck for Serbs, who consider the land the cradle of Serbian
nationalism and their Orthodox faith (it contains over 500 monasteries
and other monuments) -- a combination of Philadelphia and Canterbury.

Knowing that he would eventually be forced to accept a settlement
(possibly partition), Serb leader Slobodan Milosevic decided to create a
Serbian enclave he can hold. This involves an eviction (nearly a third
of the province's population) that the West calls "ethnic cleansing."

Interesting how the media coins a phrase that's repeated by rote. Worse,
some segue from ethnic cleansing to genocide -- verbal overkill
bordering on absurdity.

If forcible population transfers are cruel and unfair, cruelty and
unfairness are nothing new. During the fighting in Bosnia, Croat forces
drove an estimated 300,000 Serbs from the Krajina region of Croatia. The
aged and infirm who couldn't move were shot.

There were no expressions of international outrage over this ethnic
sanitation, let alone cruise missiles and stealth bombers.

When India and Pakistan gained their independence in 1948, Muslims and
Hindus each tidied up their territory, with 10 million pushed across
borders. After the establishment of Israel, 950,000 Jews were ethnically
cleansed from the Arab world.

Like the Serbs, Turkey is fighting a war against terrorist
secessionists. Since 1992, the Turkish army has razed more than 3,000
Kurdish villiages, to deny guerrillas a base of support. In the process,
hundreds of thousands have been left homeless. Turkey is a NATO member.

Prior to Milosevic's major deployment in Kosovo, the Kosovo Liberation
Army "encouraged" Serbs in the province to relocate.

Serbian police and government officials were assassinated (this was also
intended to provoke Belgrade), villagers were kidnapped and murdered --
about what you'd expect from a cutthroat gang tied to both terrorist
kingpin Osama bin Laden and Albanian crime syndicates.

A March 4 article in The New York Times mentions the village of Velika
Hoca, where five Serbian women said their homes were invaded one night
last July and 16 men marched away at gunpoint never to return.

None of this justifies the expulsion of ethnic Albanians (Belgrade says
they're fleeing NATO bombing), but why selective reprisals from the
West? Why bomb a people who have done us no harm and were our allies in
both two world wars? How far will Clinton go to keep the burgeoning
Chinese spy scandal off the front pages?

I never thought of myself as an isolationist. Unlike our president, I
supported every Cold War intervention from Asia to Central America.
Soviet communism was at war with us, and we were forced to defend
ourselves on distant fronts.

Likewise, I supported the Gulf War. Saddam Hussein with the region's oil
wealth, armed with nuclear and biological weapons, would have ignited
the Middle East.

But Serbia? As Mr. Spock would say, this does not compute. There is no
international Serbian conspiracy, no Serb sponsorship of subversion and
insurrection. Serb panzers will not roll across Europe in pursuit of a
continental empire. Serbia seeks only to keep what was its from time
immemorial.

While America should try to contain or punish tyrants through diplomatic
isolation and sanctions, the decision to intervene militarily cannot be
based on altruisim. Humanitarian rescue missions will inevitably lead to
the overextension of American power.

The military will be so exhausted by doing social work with bombs and
troops that resources won't be there to defend the United States when
our vital interests are at stake. (Cruise missiles and laser-targetted
bombs don't come in Crackerjacks boxes.) When China confronts us in
Asia, we can tell our allies there that we spent all of our missiles in
the Balkans.

Kosovo was an avoidable tragedy. Clinton and Albright should toast
marshmallows over the flames of Kosovo. They lit the fire.

Boston Herald, April 1, 1999


Free Markets in the Middle East

A Goat, a Rug, and a Special Price

How much for that hub-cap of sugar?

Khasab, Oman. As Dawn breaks behind the mountains of Oman’s Musandem
peninsula, a peculiar scene unfolds in the tiny port of Khasab. Round
the headland and into the harbour comes a procession of 12-foot
dinghies, powered by outboard motors and steered by Iranian peasants.
After two nerve-racking hours spent dodging the Iranian coastguard on
their way across the Strait of Hormuz, the smugglers have reached their
destination. As they approach the shore, an unearthly thudding and
yelping drifts across the water: each boat is packed with 20-30 seasick
sheep or goats, destined for the dining tables of rich Gulf Arabs.
Other odd spectacles present themselves across the Middle East: Iraqi
taxi-drivers taping cigarettes to their legs or jerry-rigging their cars
to carry extra petrol on their way to Jordan; Libyans stuffing their
hub-caps full of subsidised sugar for resale in Tunisia; pack-mules
loping across the mountains from Turkey to Iran laden with cargoes of
playing cards. The region is a smugglers’ paradise—not just for illicit
imports like drugs or illegal immigrants, but for everyday household
goods subject to high tariffs or stifling regulation. And, as always,
the Middle East’s complicated politics add an extra twist.

On their return trip from Khasab, for example, the Iranians load their
dinghies with American cigarettes. These are banned in Iran but the
well-to-do smoke nothing else. So three-quarters of the shops in
Khasab’s market sell nothing but cigarettes. Traders in northern Iraq
and Turkey grow rich sending other forms of contraband—booze,
pornographic films, playing cards—across the mountains into Iran.

Even legal trade is so regulated in Iran that many prefer to dodge
official channels, to the tune of $3 billion-4 billion a year. Since
1995, when new rules required exporters to repatriate their
hard-currency earnings, half the saffron crop has disappeared into the
black market. Iranian carpet exporters complain they face bankruptcy if
they do not smuggle out their wares. In Lebanon, a thriving market in
smuggled artefacts has sprung up partly because legal sales are so
difficult.

Generous subsidies in some countries create irresistible opportunities
for arbitrage. Petrol costs 4.5 cents a litre in Iran, but 76 cents in
Turkey. Libyan customs officials at the crossing-points into Tunisia are
tenacious in ferreting out subsidised tins of milk powder and sacks of
flour hidden in cars; but they can do little about the caravans of the
stuff making their way across the Sahara to Chad and Niger.

The biggest incentive to smuggling comes from the high import duties
levied by almost all the countries in the region. Middle Eastern
governments, which generally have a hard time persuading their citizens
to pay their taxes, tend to rely disproportionately on customs duties as
a source of revenue. In Lebanon, import tariffs account for half the
government’s income. In most of the Gulf states, which do not even levy
income tax, duties are the third-biggest source of government finance
after oil exports and investment income. It is cheaper, according to
Kurdish tradesmen, to ship bananas from Ecuador to Turkey and then
smuggle them through Iraq into Iran than it is to bring them legally
from nearby India or Africa.

Most governments do try to crack down on smuggling, but regional
politics hampers their efforts. Given its testy relationship with the
other Gulf states, Iran has a hard time persuading them to play ball
over smuggling. The trade in goats and sheep is perfectly legal in Oman.
Iraq is only too happy to break the all-encompassing trade embargo
imposed on it by the United Nations. It smuggles its own oil out through
the Gulf, Iran and Turkey and brings in food and consumer goods with the
proceeds. Some 5,000 tonnes of diesel fuel are trucked across the border
to Turkey every day, with the Turkish and Iraqi authorities and Kurdish
intermediaries all taking a cut of the profits. The Kurds, who run their
own affairs in a swathe of northern Iraq, live by trade with the
neighbours, almost all of it illegal: the endless stream of smugglers’
trucks has dug eight-inch ruts into the road to Turkey.

The Economist, April 4, 1999
------
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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