-Caveat Lector-

http://www.nytimes.com/2002/12/15/international/15INTE.html

Bush Has Widened Authority of C.I.A. to Kill Terrorists
By JAMES RISEN and DAVID JOHNSTON
December 15, 2002

WASHINGTON, Dec. 14 -- The Bush administration has prepared a list of
terrorist leaders the Central Intelligence Agency is authorized to kill,
if capture is impractical and civilian casualties can be minimized, senior
military and intelligence officials said.

The previously undisclosed C.I.A. list includes key Qaeda leaders like
Osama bin Laden and his chief deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, as well as other
principal figures from Al Qaeda and affiliated terrorist groups, the
officials said. The names of about two dozen terrorist leaders have
recently been on the lethal-force list, officials said. "It's the worst of
the worst," an official said.

President Bush has provided written legal authority to the C.I.A. to hunt
down and kill the terrorists without seeking further approval each time
the agency is about to stage an operation. Some officials said the
terrorist list was known as the "high-value target list." A spokesman for
the White House declined to discuss the list or issues involving the use
of lethal force against terrorists. A spokesman for the C.I.A. also
declined to comment on the list.

Despite the authority given to the agency, Mr. Bush has not waived the
executive order banning assassinations, officials said. The presidential
authority to kill terrorists defines operatives of Al Qaeda as enemy
combatants and thus legitimate targets for lethal force.

Mr. Bush issued a presidential finding last year, after the Sept. 11
attacks on New York and Washington, providing the basic executive and
legal authority for the C.I.A. to either kill or capture terrorist
leaders. Initially, the agency used that authority to hunt for Qaeda
leaders in Afghanistan. That authority was the basis for the C.I.A.'s
attempts to find and kill or capture Mr. Bin laden and other Qaeda leaders
during the war in Afghanistan.

The creation of the secret list is part of the expanded C.I.A. effort to
hunt and kill or capture Qaeda operatives far from traditional
battlefields, in countries like Yemen.

The president is not legally required to approve each name added to the
list, nor is the C.I.A. required to obtain presidential approval for
specific attacks, although officials said Mr. Bush had been kept well
informed about the agency's operations.

In November, the C.I.A. killed a Qaeda leader in a remote region of Yemen.
A pilotless Predator aircraft operated by the agency fired a Hellfire
antitank missile at a car in which Qaed Salim Sinan al-Harethi, also known
as Abu Ali, was riding. Mr. Harethi and five other people, including one
suspected Qaeda operative with United States citizenship, were killed in
the attack.

Mr. Harethi, a key Al Qaeda leader in Yemen who is suspected of helping to
plan the bombing of the American destroyer Cole in 2000, is believed to
have been on the list of Qaeda leaders that the C.I.A. had been authorized
to kill. After the Predator operation in Yemen, American officials said
Mr. Bush was not required to approve the mission before the attack, nor
was he specifically consulted.

Intelligence officials said the presidential finding authorizing the
agency to kill terrorists was not limited to those on the list. The
president has given broad authority to the C.I.A. to kill or capture
operatives of Al Qaeda around the world, the officials said. But officials
said the group's most senior leaders on the list were the agency's primary
focus.

The list is updated periodically as the intelligence agency, in
consultation with other counterterrorism agencies, adds new names or
deletes those who are captured or killed, or when intelligence indicates
the emergence of a new leader.

The precise criteria for adding someone to the list are unclear, although
the evidence against each person must be clear and convincing, the
officials said. The list contains the names of some of the same people who
are on the Federal Bureau of Investigation's list of most wanted terror
suspects, although the lists are prepared independently.

Officials said the C.I.A., working with the F.B.I., the military and
foreign governments, will seek to capture terrorists when possible and
bring them into custody.

Counterterrorism officials prefer to capture senior Qaeda leaders for
interrogation, if possible. They regard killing as a last resort in cases
in which the location of a Qaeda operative is known but capture would be
too dangerous or logistically impossible, the officials said.

Under current intelligence law, the president must sign a finding to
provide the legal basis for covert actions to be carried out by the C.I.A.
In response to past abuses, the decision-making process has grown into a
highly formalized review in which the White House, Justice Department,
State Department, Pentagon and C.I.A. take part.

The administration must notify Congressional leaders of any covert action
finding signed by the president. In the case of the presidential finding
authorizing the use of lethal force against members of Al Qaeda,
Congressional leaders have been notified as required, the officials said.

The new emphasis on covert action is an outgrowth of more aggressive
attitudes regarding the use of lethal force in the campaign against
terrorism. Moreover, such operations have become easier to conduct because
of technological advances like the development of the Predator, which has
evolved from a camera-carrying surveillance drone into an armed robot
warplane controlled by operators safely stationed thousands of miles from
any attack.

The development of the armed Predator drone has made it much easier for
the C.I.A. to pursue and kill terrorists in ways that would almost
certainly not have been tried in the past for fear of the potential for
American casualties. In the strike in Yemen, for example, Mr. Harethi was
living in a remote, lawless region where the Yemeni government had little
control. Not long before the Predator strike, Yemeni forces attacked Qaeda
operatives in that same area and were beaten back with many casualties.

The more aggressive approach to counterterrorism is showing results.

George J. Tenet, the director of central intelligence, said in a speech
last week that more than one-third of the top leadership of Al Qaeda
identified before the war in Afghanistan had been killed or captured.

One recent success, he said, came with the capture of Al Qaeda's
operations chief for the Persian Gulf region who had been involved in the
planning of the 1998 bombings of two American embassies in East Africa as
well as the bombing of the Cole in 2000. Since September 2001, Mr. Tenet
added, more than 3,000 suspected Qaeda operatives or their associates have
been detained in more than 100 countries.

But the decision by the Bush administration to authorize, under certain
circumstances, the killing of terrorist leaders threatens to thrust it
into a murky area of national security and international law that is
almost never debated in public because the covert operations are known
only to a small circle of executive branch and Congressional officials.

In the past, the Bush administration has criticized the targeting of
Palestinian leaders by Israeli forces. But one former senior official said
such criticism had diminished as the administration sought to move
aggressively against Al Qaeda.

Still, some national security lawyers said the practice of drawing up
lists of people who are subject to lethal force might blur the lines drawn
by government's ban on assassinations. That prohibition was first ordered
by President Gerald Ford, and in the view of some lawyers, it applies not
only to foreign leaders but to civilians. (American officials have said in
the past that Saddam Hussein would be a legitimate target in a war, as he
is a military commander as well as Iraq's president.)

"The inevitable complication of a politically declared but legally
undeclared war is the blurring of the distinction between enemy combatants
and other nonstate actors," said Harold Hongju Koh, a professor of
international law at Yale University and a former State Department
official in President Bill Clinton's administration. "The question is,
what factual showing will demonstrate that they had warlike intentions
against us and who sees that evidence before any action is taken?"

http://www.nytimes.com/2002/12/15/international/15INTE.html

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