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World Socialist Web Site www.wsws.org
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/jan2003/nyt-j28_prn.shtml

WSWS : News & Analysis : North America

New York Times offers “friendly advice” to abort the anti-war movement

By David Walsh
28 January 2003

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This month’s mass demonstrations against the Bush administration’s
imminent war in Iraq took the political and media establishment by
surprise. The surge of opposition evaded their political radar screens.
They had either ignored the growing resistance or pretended it did not
exist.

Once the depth of popular sentiment against war became impossible to
disregard, the various factions of bourgeois opinion makers swung into
action. They had now to confront the reality of a nascent mass movement
emerging outside of their control.

On the one side are political thugs like right-wing commentator Michael
Kelly, who launch witch- hunting attacks on the “communist” Workers
World Party, which played a prominent role in organizing the protests.
(See “Washington Post columnist Michael Kelly red-baits the Workers World
Party,” 24 January 2003). This is the crude and filthy face of bourgeois
politics. The particular task assigned to these forces is to stir up
everything backward and poisonous in the body politic.

The liberal, or erstwhile liberal, establishment, represented most
prominently by the New York Times, has undertaken a subtler and more
sinister intervention. Its aim is to isolate the left-wing elements and drive
them out, so as to bring the movement under the control of reliable
political agents of the ruling elite, principally the Democratic Party.

This is the significance of a January 24 Times article, “Some War Protesters
Uneasy With Others.” Lynette Clemetson writes that “behind the scenes,
some of the protesters have questioned whether the message of opposing
the war with Iraq is being tainted or at least diluted by other causes of
International Answer, which sponsored both the Washington and San
Francisco rallies.... Some of the group’s chief organizers are active in the
Workers World Party, a radical socialist group with roots in the Stalin-era
Soviet Union.”

The precise meaning of the phrase “roots in the Stalin-era Soviet Union” is
not explained. The founder of Workers World, Sam Marcy, was associated
with the Trotskyist movement until he abandoned it in 1959 and founded
his own group. The evident purpose of the inchoate reference is to drag
in the name of Stalin as a political epithet.

The unstated political motivation of the article is indicated by the
insinuation that the movement against war in Iraq is being “tainted” by the
illegitimate interjection of “other causes.”

Clemetson elaborates on this theme: “Answer’s critics say they simply wish
that when it sponsors antiwar rallies, it would confine its message to
opposition to the war.” She cites the comments of Tikkun magazine editor
Rabbi Michael Lerner, whose concerns include “pro-Palestinian speeches.”
Lerner observes, “It feels that we are being manipulated when subjected
to mindless speeches and slogans whose knee-jerk anti-imperialism rarely
articulates the deep reasons we should oppose corporate globalization.”

In a hopeful tone the Times notes that the next major rally, to be held
February 15 in New York, is being organized by United for Peace, “a
coalition of more than 120 groups, most of them less radical than Answer.”

The political message is clear. The Times wants an anti-war movement that
does not go beyond the confines of the existing social order. The
newspaper’s editors are alerting sections of the middle class: you can have
your rallies and protests, but not on the basis of anti-capitalism.

The Times’ editors are arguing for a protest movement that accepts
certain basic premises— above all, the defense of US imperialism and its
right to dominate the world. They fear the development of a movement
that links the struggle against war to critical social issues in America and
makes a direct appeal to the working class.

The Times’ sudden interest in the anti-war movement is cynical and self-
serving. The newspaper has been one of the chief drum-beaters for war.
Only Saturday, in an article calling on Bush to delay a conflict only until
the necessary international support can be built up, Op-Ed columnist and
senior writer for the New York Times Magazine Bill Keller asserted: “So far
in its showdown with Iraq, the Bush administration has mostly done the
right things.... There are compelling reasons for war with Iraq.”

How should serious opponents of US militarism respond to the attempt by
the Times to politically tame and strangle any movement against imperialist
war?

In our view, they should make every effort to expose these attempts and
drive such pro- imperialist elements out of the anti-war movement. As
events have already shown, together with the Democratic Party and the
establishment liberals come the red-baiters. And behind the red- baiters
come the state and the police.

The anti-war movement must be built from the start as an anti-capitalist
movement. At the heart of building a mass movement is the struggle to
mobilize the working class independently of the bourgeois parties, above
all, the Democrats. Long and painful experience demonstrates that any
movement that remains subordinate to the parties representing the
interests of big business is doomed to impotence and failure.

Here is where fundamental political differences between the World
Socialist Web Site and the Workers World Party emerge. The latter seeks
to maintain a political alliance with sections of the Democratic Party and
the AFL-CIO trade union bureaucracy. Indeed, Workers World facilitates
the domination of the anti-war movement by these elements.

It hopes to cajole and win over such forces. This is the reactionary
heritage of Stalinism and its perspective of subordinating the working class
to the liberal bourgeoisie—a policy that attained a finished, and politically
disastrous, expression in the “popular fronts” engineered by Stalinist
Communist Parties in the 1930s.

Today, with the protracted crisis of American liberalism resulting in utter
prostration before the most right wing sections of the ruling elite, this
political line assumes the most noxious forms. Thus Workers World prides
itself in parading the likes of Al Sharpton before anti-war protesters. It
genuflects to such charlatans and presents them as legitimate “people’s
leaders,” providing them with much needed credibility.

An alliance with the Democrats and the trade union bureaucrats is possible
only on the basis of repudiating any serious opposition to capitalism. This
alliance cannot be combined with a genuine appeal to working people. Far
from “broadening” the anti-war movement, the influence of the
Democratic Party and AFL-CIO bureaucrats would guarantee the
strangulation of democratic debate, narrow the movement’s social base
and transform anti-war activity into a harmless sideshow, a pressure-valve
regulated by the Congressional Democrats. The end result would be to
alienate the working class and keep it on the sideline.

Imperialist war cannot be stopped by moral appeals to sections of the
ruling elite, or the application of pressure on the Democratic Party.
Nothing could be more futile and self-defeating than such a strategy. Only
the international working class can halt the drive to war against Iraq and
the danger of world war, because only the working class is capable of
replacing the capitalist system with an egalitarian and truly democratic
society.

A movement of broad masses of workers and youth must not only articulate
their general concerns, including opposition to war, but provide a program
to address their needs and interests: decent jobs, education, health care,
housing, democratic rights. Only a socialist program can fulfill that need.

A truly broad and democratic anti-war movement will intervene boldly in
the working population, explaining the link between social inequality,
poverty, homelessness and the criminal policies of the Bush administration.
It will raise the necessity for a decisive break with both big business
parties and the need for a new, independent socialist movement. It will
openly state that a successful struggle against war and militarism means
going to the source of these evils, the profit system. It will be an
international movement, armed with an international strategy.

And it will have sufficient political consciousness to distinguish between its
friends and its enemies, and reject with contempt the malevolent advice
of such pillars of American imperialism as the New York Times.







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