-Caveat Lector-

 http://www.canadiandimension.mb.ca/extra/d1220ta.htm

Just don't mention his presidential record


By Tariq Ali
The Guardian
December 7 2002
On Tuesday, former US president Jimmy Carter will fly to Oslo and receive
the Nobel Peace Prize from the unassuming bicycling monarch of Norway.
Why him? Why now? And what is the real aim of the peace prize?

Just don't mention his presidential record

Why was Mother Teresa awarded it on her own in 1979? Surely her close
friend and sponsor Papa Doc Duvalier of Haiti could have been included?
When it was first established in 1900, the Nobel committee clearly thought
it should be awarded to people who really did believe in peaceful solutions
and non-violence. Accordingly, in 1901, the first brace of recipients were
Jean Henry Dumont, the Swiss founder of the Red Cross, and Frédéric
Passy, the French dreamer who founded the International League for a
Permanent Peace. Similar recipients were sought and found over the next
four years.

A rearguard action must have been mounted soon after, because in 1906
the prize was awarded to Theodore Roosevelt, the US president. To be
fair, this swashbuckling, aggressive leader never hid his love of war and
adventure. In The Rough Riders (1899), a riveting account of the Spanish-
American war (which led to the establishment of the base at Guantanamo
Bay), Teddy describes an engagement with the Spanish enemy in Cuba: "By
this time we were all in the spirit of the thing and greatly excited by the
charge, the men cheering and running forward between shots, while the
delighted faces of the foremost officers, like Captain CJ Stevens, of the
Ninth, as they ran at the head of their troops, will always stay in my mind."

The imperial resolve of the old warrior is admired to this day. Donald
Rumsfeld, the US defence secretary, has a plaque in his office with a
quotation from Roosevelt in praise of war and empire. The prescience of
the Nobel committee can only be admired.

The decision must have led to a vigorous debate in which the doves
triumphed. For the next four years, the prize was awarded to genuine
peace activists. Soon after, the blood of the first world war soiled the
drawing rooms of the belle époque. A traumatised Nobel committee went
into hibernation. No prizes were awarded between 1914 and 1919, with the
exception of the prize given to the Red Cross in 1917.

This is slightly surprising since there was no shortage of distinguished
thinkers and politicians opposed to the war: Keir Hardie and Bertrand
Russell in Britain; the French Socialist leader, Jean Jaures, who was
assassinated for his hostility to the conflict; the German Socialist member
of parliament, Karl Liebknecht, who voted against war credits in the
Reichstag and declared that "a patriot was an international blackleg", and
his colleague Rosa Luxemburg, who was imprisoned for her fiery anti- war
speeches; and yes, two unknown Russian exiles, Lenin and Trotsky, who
convened a European conference in the Swiss town of Zimmerwald to
oppose the war. None of these people was considered suitable for the
prize.

There was no doubt in 1920. The architect of the Treaty of Versailles was
the unanimous choice of the committee. Both variants of US imperial
power - Teddy Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson - had now been rewarded. A
pity that no member of the committee had bothered to read Keynes' lucid
pamphlet, The Economic Consequences of the Peace, which predicted the
dire results that led to the rise of fascism in Germany.

Throughout the 1920s, the committee reflected a pathetic helplessness in
the face of a growing crisis. Politicians, usually of the same liberal-
conservative stripe, were regularly rewarded. During the 1930s, world
politics was dominated by the fascist victories in Italy, Germany and Spain,
the Japanese occupation of Manchuria and the eruption of a mass non-
violent struggle against the British empire in India. The committee,
sensitive to these developments, was divided. In 1938, the shortlist for the
prize was headed by Hitler and Gandhi. The choice proved too difficult for
the mandarins. The prize ultimately went to the Nansen International
Office of Refugees.

The committee's inclusion of Hitler appears shocking today, but at the
time many in the west regarded the German Führer as a bulwark against
Bolshevism. Earlier, the American writer Gertrude Stein had come out for
Hitler getting the prize. "I say that Hitler ought to have the peace prize,
because he is removing all the elements of contest and of struggle from
Germany," she wrote in the New York Times magazine in May 1934. "By
driving out the Jews and the democratic and left element, he is driving out
everything that conduces to activity. That means peace... By suppressing
Jews... he was ending struggle in Germany."

In 1938, Time magazine had made Hitler its "Man of the Year" with an
appreciative profile and in Britain, Geoffrey Dawson, editor of the Times,
had no doubt that an Anglo-German deal was vital for world peace. Hitler's
pre-invasion rhetoric, too, emphasised his desire for peace. The invasions
were presented as defensive, humanitarian operations, necessitated by
the threat posed to the Third Reich or ethnic Germans by Czechoslovakia,
Poland, Norway, etc.

The committee decided that if Hitler was not acceptable, then neither
was Gandhi. But did it ever consider giving them a joint prize, as became
the norm later in that century? In 1973 it was Henry Kissinger and North
Vietnam's chief negotiator, Le Duc Tho (the latter declined to accept the
prize in such company); in 1978 it was the former Israeli terrorist
Menachem Begin and the turncoat Egyptian leader Anwar Sadat; in 1993 it
was Nelson Mandela and FW de Klerk; in 1994 three recipients - Yasser
Arafat, Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Rabin - shared the loot. Why was Mother
Teresa awarded it on her own in 1979? Surely her close friend and sponsor
Papa Doc Duvalier of Haiti could have been included?

In keeping with this tradition, the shortlist for this year included a joint
award to George Bush and Tony Blair. The committee was browbeaten by
43,000 protest letters from all over the world and caved in to the pressure.
Another time, perhaps - after the occupation of Iraq. Also on the list was
Hamid Karzai, the puppet ruler of Kabul, but without his sparring partner
Mullah Omar, whose refusal to engage made it a short war. Instead, the
committee panicked and awarded the prize to another US president. The
commendation honouring Carter should read as follows:

· For ordering the CIA to organise the killers running the death squads in
Argentina to train Nicaraguan Contras in Honduras and hurl them into
battle against the Sandinista government.

· For dispatching millions in aid and riot equipment to the Salvadorian
military and sending US personnel to train Salvadorian officers in Panama.

· For sending special envoy Richard Holbrooke to South Korea, where
workers and students were demanding democracy. Holbrooke gave US
backing to the South Korean military and insisted that they crush the
rebellion. Some 3,000 South Koreans were killed in March 1980.

· For authorising the covert CIA operation in Afghanistan that led to the
creation of the mojahedin and giving the green light for Saudi religious,
ideological and financial intervention, begun under the leadership of
Osama bin Laden.

· For re-arming Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge in Thailand after they were
defeated by the Vietnamese.

· For leading a campaign in favour of the release of Lieutenant William
Calley, found guilty of mass murder in the My Lai massacre in South
Vietnam.

· For support and weaponry supplied to the Indonesian military
dictatorship after the brutal occupation of East Timor.

· For encouraging the rise of the Christian right.

· For accepting financial help from the Bank of Credit and Commerce
International while this outfit calmly cheated its depositors. For all these
reasons, the Nobel committee is delighted to award the peace prize for
2002 to former US president Jimmy Carter.


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