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World Socialist Web Site www.wsws.org

http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/feb2003/budg-f13.shtml


WSWS : News & Analysis : North America

Bush budget targets the poor

Part three of five articles on Bush’s 2004 budget proposal

By Patrick Martin
13 February 2003

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This is the third in a series of articles on the social implications and
political significance of the Bush administration’s fiscal 2004 budget plan.
Part one, “The Bush budget: blueprint for a right- wing assault on the
working class”, was posted on February 11. Part two, “Welfare for the
wealthy: the Bush tax plan”, was posted on February 12. Over the next
two days, the WSWS will publish detailed analyses of the budget’s
implications for the federal Medicare and Medicaid health insurance
programs, and its consequences for public education.

While seeking an unprecedented $1.5 trillion in new tax cuts, largely
benefiting the richest Americans, the Bush administration has used its 2004
budget plan to propose a wide array of attacks on the poorest sections of
the working class, with outright cuts in some programs, tightened eligibility
requirements for others, and the shifting of much of the remaining social
welfare system from federal to state responsibility.

The new budget incorporates proposals for a crackdown on the poorest
American families, with stepped-up enforcement of eligibility requirements
for the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), school lunches, Medicaid and
other means-tested programs, under conditions where, even without such
measures, millions who are eligible for these benefits do not at present
receive them.

One item in the budget plan speaks volumes about the class interests
served by the Bush program. The Internal Revenue Service is to spend an
additional $100 million and hire 650 more officers to go after tax cheats.
The target is not millionaire fraudsters or corporations that shift their
headquarters to Bermuda or the Cayman Islands to avoid paying taxes, but
rather the millions of low-paid workers who collect the Earned Income Tax
Credit—a tax subsidy available only to those who are working but still not
making enough to live on.

Treasury officials declared that between 27 and 32 percent of EITC
payments were made to ineligible recipients. Tighter enforcement of the
eligibility rules would save $9.3 billion—a drop in the bucket compared to
the enormous tax handouts to the wealthy, but a significant loss to millions
of poorly paid working people.

Poor children receiving subsidized or free school lunches are another top
target of the Bush fraud squad. Administration spokesmen said there was
growing concern over “erroneous payments” for school lunch programs,
with as many as a quarter of the 28 million children in the program deemed
ineligible.

The new budget includes a requirement that every parent whose children
receive subsidized lunches submit documentation to qualify, including
welfare records and pay stubs. Currently parents report their incomes to
the schools and school officials do random checks to confirm eligibility.
The demand for documentation will be especially onerous because families
eligible for school lunches frequently have literacy and immigration
problems.

The Bush administration has announced plans that would complete the
destruction of welfare begun by Clinton in the 1996 “welfare reform” law.
The financial boom of the late 1990s concealed the impact of welfare
reform for a time. Welfare rolls dropped sharply and even with reduced
budgets, states were able to avoid benefit cuts and provide child care and
other services needed by recipients seeking jobs. But the onset of
recession has put hundreds of thousands of former welfare recipients on
the unemployment lines, swelling the demand for what is now called
Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF).

The Department of Health and Human Services announced plans in
December to toughen the work requirement to 40 hours a week, with no
allowance for training or education, as part of legislation renewing the
welfare reform law. The Congressional Budget Office estimated that to
meet the new work requirements an additional $8 billion to $11 billion in
new child care assistance would be needed. The new Bush budget
proposes no increase at all.

Instead, the budget would actually cut the number of children receiving
subsidized child care under all federal programs, from 2.5 million to 2.3
million over the next several years. Presently only one in seven eligible
children receives such assistance, and that proportion will drop further.
The Bush budget also freezes the TANF block grant to the states, as well
as the Child Care and Development block grant and the Social Services
block grant.

One of the most cynical moments last month’s State of the Union speech
came when Bush announced a $450 million program for mentoring the
children of prisoners—a pretense of compassion for prison inmates by a
man who, as Texas governor, presided over more than 150 executions.

The budget document delivered to Congress February 3 tells the real
story. Of the proposed $450 million to mentor the children of prisoners,
only $50 million would be spent in fiscal 2004, up $25 million from the
current year. This will be more than offset by a cut of $64 million from all
other mentoring programs for poor children. For all of Bush’s simulated
compassion, his government will spend $39 million less for such programs
overall.

In some areas, any posture of compassion was dispensed with. The Bush
budget simply eliminates the Hope VI program, which has demolished
115,000 dilapidated public housing units over the past 10 years and built
60,000 new ones. Despite record levels of homelessness and a shortage of
affordable housing in both urban and rural areas, administration officials
claim there is no longer any need for this program.

Bush employs the political technique of the Clinton welfare reform in many
other areas of social policy dealing with the poor. He offers to hand over
responsibility for programs to the states, with much rhetoric about
guaranteeing flexibility and rewarding innovative approaches, but with a
ruthless bottom line: the states will be provided with a fixed amount of
money, but when that is used up, the program comes to a halt, no matter
what the social need.

The biggest single transfer of authority relates to Medicaid, the joint
federal-state program that pays for health care for the poor. We will
examine this question in the next part of this series. Other programs that
will be shifted to the states include the subsidized housing program,
known as Section 8, with a budget of $13.6 billion, and even the successful
and popular early childhood program, Head Start.

In each case the formula is the same: states will be offered more control
over the guidelines for these programs in return for accepting fewer
federal dollars. In some cases, the deal is particularly insidious, with a small
boost in funding now, offset by a long-term cap on spending that
guarantees eventual phasing out of the program altogether. With states
currently facing a combined budget gap of $26 billion, and a shortfall of
$68 billion for the new fiscal year, many state governments may be
tempted to take the money and run.

Robert Greenstein of the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities called
the plan “a fundamental change in how the federal government finances
health care for the low income population ... the additional flexibility
would largely be the flexibility to make deeper cuts.”

The administration is not only seeking to end any pretense of income
redistribution or the amelioration of poverty as a goal of federal policy, it
actually redefines the concept of poverty out of existence, claiming that
social mobility between income brackets is so great that it is meaningless
to investigate how federal policies affect different income groups.

The Economic Report of the President, released February 7 by the White
House Council of Economic Advisers, claims: “The use of annual income in
analyzing the distributional effects of the current tax system and proposed
changes overstates the extent of inequality among taxpayers.... Annual
consumption rather than annual income might be a better proxy for
economic well-being.”

Thus, if one family consumes a given amount by going heavily into debt,
while another consumes the same amount with a healthy surplus left over
for investment, the two families are to be considered equally well off,
according to Bush’s economic advisers. Savings and investment would no
longer be considered, effectively throwing a protective shield over the
enrichment of a privileged minority through the exploitation of the vast
majority of the population—those who comprise the working class.







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