-Caveat Lector-

FINANCIAL TIMES
A gulf in the war of words
By Jurek Martin
Published: March 28 2003 17:35 |
Last Updated: March 28 2003 17:35

It may have been a figment of the imagination - I was listening to the
radio last Saturday not watching TV - but I thought I heard General Tommy
Franks, the US commander in the war on Iraq, take an unusually deep breath
before responding to a question in Qatar.


A British TV reporter had asked him about the "blitz" of Baghdad. This is
not a word, describing indiscriminate bombing, which US journalists,
steeped in Pentagon jargon about precisely targeted missiles, would ever
use.

It is pejorative, associated with Hitler, and, by extension, Saddam
Hussein, not with a US military intent on "decapitating" the regime in the
capital while sparing, to the maximum extent possible, its ordinary
citizens.

But its use seemed to me just one illustration of the measurable gulf that
exists between US and foreign coverage of the war. This reflects not merely
that it is US forces who are bearing the brunt of the battle, thereby
warranting support, and providing reporters with remarkable facilities to
portray it. It is also a commentary of cultural differences in the practise
of journalism that long predate this conflict.

It may seem odd to assert this in an age when fabulous reporting on
Watergate brought down one president and polemicism in the media
contributed to the impeachment of another, but I think mainstream US
journalism has become too respectful of authority, too inclined to take
what government says at face value.

There is nothing in this country, for example, which remotely compares with
BBC Radio's Today programme, a mandatory pit stop for all in power or
seeking it, in spite of its famously, even infamously, aggressive but
knowledgeable interviewing. Offended officials boycott it from time to
time, but always come back for more because it can set the agenda for days
to come.

Jeremy Paxman, of BBC TV's Newsnight, also takes no prisoners. It is hard
to imagine him signing off, as I have heard Wolf Blitzer do on CNN, with
words such as "god bless you, Mr secretary". The concluding Paxman sneer
often translates into a virtual "gedoutahere, ya bum."

It is not as if the US media is craven in comparison. I am addicted to the
comprehensive New York Times coverage and analysis of the war, at home and
abroad. And I know something of the challenges, having been the FT's
foreign editor during the first Gulf war.

But I also know from experience that a collective judgment sometimes seems
to descend on even the best and independent-minded news organisations, and
it is susceptible to influence by those in authority. It may therefore be
wondered why the Times, and many others, significantly underplayed the
extent of domestic anti-war sentiment before the war started. Now US
soldiers are in combat, it is perhaps understandable that protests get
shorter news shrift but the lesson of Vietnam is surely that they will not
go away.

Suspicion may also attach to the fistful of polls that purport to show,
predictably, a surge in support for the military and commander-in-chief.
Many have been conducted on the smallest of statistical samples and with
the narrowest range of questions; and I remain puzzled by the fact that I
have never met anybody who has been polled on anything other than
commercial products.

It naturally suits the Bush administration to play the patriot card to
demean and discredit any opposition, sometimes ruthlessly and vindictively.
When Tom Daschle, dared to criticise the president for bungled diplomacy, a
perfectly defensible position, all the usual attack dogs, from the Fox
network to Rush Limbaugh, were summoned to accuse the Senate minority
leader of un-Americanism.

Similarly, when Natalie Maines, marvellous lead singer of the Dixie Chicks,
stepped out of line, the group's music was suddenly dropped from country
music stations owned by the nation's biggest radio mogul. He happens to be
not only an old Texas intimate of the president but has much to gain from
ongoing government deliberations about media ownership. Little has been
heard from Daschle and Ms Maines of late.

In general, the administration can hardly complain about the coverage the
war is getting at home. "Embedding" reporters with military units in the
field has increased admiration for the troops, even, some might say, turned
the media itself into a weapon of war. The downside risk is that the
initial rapid advance, now meeting stiffer opposition, may have encouraged
the public to expect a short and relatively cost-free war.

Still, as my colleague Lionel Barber wrote earlier this week, the flood of
pictures of soldiers in action has diminished the importance of reporters
in Baghdad and elsewhere not directly subject to military control. Also US
media have been generally reluctant to show photos and footage of dead and
captured GIs, sometimes at the administration's explicit request, in sharp
contrast to foreign practice and to the Internet.

Friends in Europe report saturation war coverage comparable with that in
the US, but with a more palpable tinge of scepticism, even in Britain.

Unfortunate US military terminologies, such as "shock and awe" bombing,
have been greeted with some derision (and the use of the word "blitz") and
the tragic results of friendly fire given greater play.

The foreign media are not pulling for Saddam, but, reflecting their
domestic opinion and more critical habits, they are not exactly in the
patriotic trenches with George W. Bush and Tony Blair either. It is not,
after all, their war.

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