-Caveat Lector-

http://www.counterpunch.org/chuckman04042003.html
April 4, 2003

Israel's Bloody  Excesses

Was Einstein Right?

By JOHN CHUCKMAN

"My awareness of the essential nature of Judaism resists the idea of a
Jewish state with borders, an army, and a measure of temporal power, no
matter how modest. I am afraid of the inner damage Judaism will sustain --
especially from the development of a narrow nationalism within our own
ranks, against which we have already had to fight strongly, even without a
Jewish state."

Albert Einstein

Einstein is one of my favorite twentieth-century characters. He was
remarkable, and I don't mean only for his profound contributions to our
understanding of the physical world. He was someone who drove
authoritarians like J. Edgar Hoover mad. He was one of those rare souls,
like George Orwell, who despite mistakes and flaws, consciously worked to
direct his actions, and redirect them after missteps, by principles of
decency, humanity, and rational thought. He never subscribed to
menacing slogans like "My country, right or wrong" or "You're either with
us or against us." Quite the opposite, he knew any country was capable of
being wrong at times and did not deserve blind allegiance when it was.

Einstein's was one of the most important names lent to the cause of
Zionism. His name and visits and letters raised a great deal of money
towards establishing universities and resettling European Jews suffering
under violent anti-Semitism long before the founding of Israel.

But even in a cause so dear to his heart, Einstein never stopped thinking
for himself. He not only opposed the establishment of a formal Israeli
state-- he was after all a great internationalist--but he always advocated
treating the Arabic people of Palestine with generosity and understanding.

Clearly Einstein's Zionist path was not the one followed. The actual path
chosen by Israel has been pretty much that of "the iron wall," a phrase put
forward by Ze'ev Jabotinsky in the 1920s as the appropriate posture for
Zionists to adopt towards Arabs in Palestine.

Charles de Gaulle, up until the Six Day War, demonstrated great
understanding and support for Israel. This thoughtful and highly
individualistic statesman felt an instinctive sympathy for the struggle of the
Jews, but the Six Day War caused him to alter France's policies towards
the Jewish state.

The Six Day War was a much darker and more complex affair than it is
portrayed in official Israeli myths. The war was not simply an attack by a
gang of Arab states against Israel--a description which suggests not just
Goliath, but the entire tribe of Philistines, attacking little David with his
slingshot. While this is an appealing image, naturally arousing great
sympathy in American Puritans raised on the Old Testament, it is not an
accurate one. A fine Jewish scholar like Avi Shlaim, a specialist in the first
half century of Israeli policy, recognizing that not all important documents
bearing on the matter have been released, agrees there are doubts and
ambiguities here rather than light and darkness.

Before the Six Day War, David Ben Gurion made it clear to de Gaulle and
other western leaders that Israel wanted more land to absorb migrants.
Before the war, Israel also high-handedly diverted water from the Jordan
river, a hostile act in a water-short region and the kind of thing that
caused more than one "range war" in America's Southwest.

A very tense situation arose with a surge in Soviet armaments to Arab
states, although any knowledgeable observer understood that Israel
continued to hold the upper hand in any potential conflict. A major
diplomatic mission was undertaken by Abba Eban to gather support for
Israel's intended violent response to Egypt's blockade of the Straits of
Tiran. Just as we now have Bush's obdurate, hasty demand for war with
Iraq, Eban made it clear that Israel had no stomach for diplomacy to end
the blockade. The blockade meant war.

De Gaulle made a remarkably prescient observation to the Israeli
government: "If Israel is attacked, we shall not let her be destroyed, but if
you attack, we shall condemn your initiative. Of course, I have no doubt
that you will have military successes in the event of war, but afterwards,
you would find yourself committed on the terrain, and from the
international point of view, in increasing difficulties, especially as war in
the East cannot fail to increase a deplorable tension in the world, so that
it will be you, having become the conquerors, who will gradually be blamed
for the inconveniences."

De Gaulle also understood that Israel's behavior was nourishing nationalistic
aspirations on the part of the Palestinians, a development Israel either
greatly underestimated or chose to ignore, perhaps reflecting the
arrogance of those supported by great power towards those without
power. De Gaulle's advice was, of course, ignored. Israel managed easily to
overwhelm the Arab states, as its leaders had known it would, and it has
occupied a good portion of the territories seized ever since. It has ignored
many quiet diplomatic voices on this matter. It has stood in contempt of
UN resolutions for years. It has suffered innumerable guerilla attacks and
launched innumerable reprisals, even starting a bloody war in Lebanon
complete with atrocities. Israel finally came to toy with the notion of a
Palestinian state but never made the genuine effort or concessions
necessary to see this become a reality. It has, in short, fulfilled de Gaulle's
warning of trouble more than thirty years ago.

The 9/11 attack on America, coming under the administration of perhaps
the most aimless, blundering, and least informed president in American
history, was a godsend for Israel's belligerent policy. The people Israel has
occupied and mistreated for a third of a century are regarded by this
American president as something akin to al Qaeda. We have even had trial
balloons released by Republican figures like Donald Rumsfeld and Dick
Armey concerning Israel's right to hold the land and drive out its people,
although it is possible these represent pre-assault softening-up by
Washington to make Palestinians grateful for a second pathetic offer of
statehood now in the works, pathetic because it is impossible to imagine
anything else being blessed by both Bush and Sharon.

Perhaps most revealing of the moral state to which Israel has been
reduced since the Six Day War were preparations for Mr. Bush's war on
Iraq. All Israeli citizens were issued gas masks. A debate and legal moves
centered around whether foreign workers, of which there are large
numbers, should also receive gas masks. If they wanted gas masks, they
must rent or buy them, and the masks available for rental were those
considered as expired and unsuitable for Israelis. In families of mixed
marriages, apparently spouses who remain unregistered under Israel's now
more restrictive registration requirements, do not receive gas masks. Most
Palestinians under Israeli occupation are not issued gas masks, it being
considered the responsibility of the broken Palestinian Authority, almost
without resources, to look after this.

There is something especially repugnant in establishing a hierarchy of
people whose safety should be the responsibility of the state, and the
various adjustments made to this hierarchy in the face of criticism hardly
reflect humane policies.

In recent months, not a week passes in which Israel's army does not kill
fifteen or twenty Palestinians. Often, this many are killed in a day or two.
These killings are generally reported as the deaths of "militants," although
we have no way of determining the legitimacy of that term. We do know
that quite a number of people who cannot possibly be characterized as
militants, including women and children and peaceful foreign observers,
have been killed by Israeli soldiers. Of course, even those who might
justifiably be called militants are in their view only putting up a pathetic
defense of their homes against Merkava tanks and Apache helicopters.

The assassination of suspected terrorists is now an accepted, ordinary
event in Palestine, and Mr. Bush has granted Israel the right to extend this
violence to America territory. Mr. Sharon's secret services have conducted
scores of assassinations. Perhaps assassination is the wrong word since it is
generally used to describe the killing of a high-level political opponent. Mr.
Sharon's bloody work is precisely that of a police force murdering, instead
of arresting, criminal suspects by the score.

At this writing, as America bombs and burns its way through Iraq, Israel has
again rolled out its bulldozers and tanks into Gaza--killing, wrecking, and
making many improper arrests. Most horrifying is what Israel is doing to
Bedouin farmers in the Negev desert. Israel has used crop dusters spraying
poisonous chemicals to destroy the Bedouin crops. The charge is that
they are illegal squatters--a remarkable accusation coming from those who
still hold lands seized in 1967 and regularly build new settlements on them
for brand-new, heavily-armed immigrants.

Defenders of Israel's excesses in the United States have been driven to
advocate policies as chilling as creating a legal framework for torturing
terrorist suspects in the United States and Israel's undertaking the cold-
blooded reprisal killing of the families of desperate suicide bombers. These
are powerful measures of the corrupting long-term effects of the Six Day
War and Israel's determination to retain control over much or all of the
seized land.

Regrettably, Einstein appears to have been right about what Israel had the
potential for becoming. No person of principle can support Israel's present
policies, and I believe there is little doubt that would include Einstein had
he lived. Perhaps it is just as well he did not.

John Chuckman lives in Canada. He can be reached at:
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Forwarded for your information.  The text and intent of the article
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Then accept it and live up to it." The Buddha on Belief,
from the Kalama Sutra

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