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Submitted to Portside

Rumsfeld's New Model Army

By Conn Hallinan

War is the ultimate test of reality and illusion.

On the eve of World War I, the French General Staff was
convinced victory would go to the attacker, that massed
soldiers marching together into battle could overcome
technology with courage and elan. German machine guns
and artillery swiftly shattered that illusion, along
with several hundred thousand young Frenchmen.

Today, the United States is engaged in a very similar
application of theory and warfare, albeit the opposite
of the one the French tried. Secretary of Defense Donald
Rumsfeld's military is a swift moving, micro-chipped,
killing machine, where electronics turns night into day,
and satellites and laser guided weapons slice and dice
enemy armor and artillery. President George W. Bush
called it a "revolution," that has "shown that an
innovative doctrine and high-tech weaponry can shape and
then dominate an unconventional conflict."

Has it? With the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq under our
belt, isn't it time to tote up the bill and separate
reality and illusion?

On the plus side for the 'revolution," we won. On the
minus side, it was hardly a fair fight. In Afghanistan
it was the 21st century verses the 12th, and we're not
of the tunnel yet. Iraq had a 20th century army, but one
hollowed out by a decade of sanctions and with little
loyalty to the brutal dictatorship it served. And that
war, too, is far from over.

Even the final victory in Iraq was not exactly a triumph
for the "revolution." It wasn't swift moving, light
troops that took Baghdad and Basra, but the
conventional, tank-heavy U.S. 3rd Infantry Division, and
the British 7th Armored Division. In short, the "old
model army."

The latest "revolution" in warfare, the brainchild of
the late Air Force Col., John Boyd, goes by the name
"transformation" and combines high tech and maneuver.
Its model was the German Blitzkrieg. But Rumsfeld's New
Model Army is discovering that the very instruments
which make it so invincible on a conventional
battlefield are of little use in the non-conventional
war the Bush Administration finds itself embroiled in.
As long as the enemy was the Iraqi army, the
"revolution" works just fine. It has done less well
against roadside explosives, ambushes, and suicide
bombs.

Part of the problem is the "transformation" army itself.

The US military looks increasingly like a temp agency on
steroids: a massive organization of part-time workers
armed with the latest in firepower.

Since Sept. 11, 2001, some 292,000 National Guard and
reserve troops have been called to active duty, and more
than 190,000 are still serving. The Pentagon just
announced a further call-up of 30,000. Reserve and
National Guard units now make up 46 percent of the
military.

Reserves have always been an important component of the
US military, but they are only supposed to be called up
in times of national emergency. From World War I to Gulf
War I---75 years--- they were called up nine times. In
the last 12 years they have been mobilized 10 times.

Normally such troops work behind the front lines and
serve for shorter periods than regular troops. However,
under "transformation," their deployment has been
stretched to 12, and sometimes 15 months. And the front
line in Iraq and Afghanistan is anyplace a soldier
happens to be.

The thinking behind all this is simple math: reserve and
Guard troops are much cheaper than regular troops. As
Christopher Caldwell at the Weekly Standard notes, "it
is hard not see a similarity between the army's shift to
part-time soldiering and businesses preferences for
part-time vs full-time labor."

Transformation" has essentially shifted much of the
financial burden for maintaining permanent troops to the
families of the reserves. Most joined up for the
educational grants and small stipends that comes with
the job. But reserves are suddenly finding themselves
locked into open-ended deployments in very dangerous
places. "Weekend warrior, my ass," one sign spotted in
Baghdad read.

The toll on these temps has been considerable. According
to the British newspaper, The Guardian, 75 percent of
the 478 troops shipped home from Iraq for mental health
reasons were reservists.

Wounded reservists returning from Iraq complain they
have been "warehoused" at Fort Stewart, Ga. in barracks
without showers or bathrooms and sometimes wait weeks to
see a doctor.

Inadequate medical care---another way the New Model Army
is trying to save on personal costs--- has touched a raw
nerve among veterans as well, many of whom are partially
or fully disabled from Gulf War Syndrome. Veterans
groups charge that almost 150,000 vets from Gulf War I
have been waiting more than six months to see a doctor,
and the wait for a specialist is up to two years.

Those numbers are likely to climb because solders in
Iraq today are being exposed to many of the battlefield
toxins that felled some 118,000 veterans in the first
Gulf War.

The Syndrome has been linked to some 345 tons of
Depleted Uranium Ammunition (DUA) used in the 1991
conflict. According to the London Express, the Americans
and the British used between 1,100 and 2,200 tons of
DUA, much of it in urban areas during the recent war.
Radiation 1,000 to 1,900 times normal has been detected
in four locations in Baghdad.

The situation is "appalling," according to Professor
Brian Spratt, chair of the Royal Society, Britain's
leading scientific body. "We really need someone like
the UN environmental program or the World Health
Organization to get into Iraq and start testing
civilians and soldiers for uranium exposure."

Such testing is unlikely because the Department of
Defense denies that DUA poses any health risks.

Reservists also charge that they are given second-rate
equipment in the field, including inadequate body armor.

While spending on high-tech whiz-bangs is at an all time
high, the Administration has steadily shaved the cost of
personnal.

A recent Pentagon attempt to cut active duty pay was
defeated by congressional outrage, but the
Administration is still attempting to disqualify some
1.5 million veterans from eligibility for disability
benefits.

The Pentagon has also resisted the Retired Pay
Restoration Act that would correct an anomaly that
reduces military retirement pay by the amount veterans
draw in disability. The measure would level the playing
field between Civil Service retirees and 670,000 vets
caught in this bureaucratic oddity, but the Pentagon has
resisted it as a "budget buster."

Besides increasingly relying on temp soldiers, the
"transformation" army is also trying to apply private
industry practices to public service. Rumsfeld is
seeking the right to hire, fire and promote some 700,000
civilian Pentagon employees on "merit" alone, free of
government employment regulations.

"The risk that this system will be politicized and
characterized by cronyism in hiring, firing, pay
promotion and discipline are immense," says Bobby
Harnatge, president of the American Federation of
Government Employees.

While the manpower crisis on the ground is bad---there
are just not enough troops available to match the
Administration's imperial sprawl--- it is likely to get
a whole lot worse. A recent poll by the military
newspaper, Stars and Stripes, found that only 49 percent
of the reserves intend to re-enlist.

So is this blind folly? Or does "transformation" offer
an unseen benefit?

"The arguments in support of technological monism echo
down the halls of the Pentagon," Major General Robert
Scales (Ret.) told the House Armed Service Committee
Oct. 21, "precisely because they involve the
expenditures of huge sums of money to defense
contractors."

In the 2002 election cycle, US arms corporations'
political action committees spent $7,620,741, two-thirds
of which went to the Republican Party. "Transformation"
might not work well once the initial "shock and awe"of
battle is over, but it can be a formidable re-election
machine.

When the "Young Turks" of the French Army adopted the
doctrine of elan, they were certain it was a formula for
victory. The battle of the Marne convinced them
otherwise, and the French abandoned the tactic. Of
course the French General Staff wasn't running for
office.


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www.ctrl.org
DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
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CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please!   These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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