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>From National Review
Get Serious
Steps to victory in Kosovo.
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ZBIGNIEW BRZEZINSKI
Mr. Brzezinski, national security advisor to President Carter, is counselor
at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
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ON April 23, NATO is scheduled to hold in Washington a huge celebration of
its fiftieth anniversary. If by then the conflict over Kosovo is still on,
the meeting will provide an opportunity for a council of war -- yes, it is a
war -- and for a reaffirmation of NATO's commitment to prevail. If by then
NATO has won, the event will be a true celebration. If, however, NATO has
embraced a negotiated settlement that yields to Slobodan Milosevic some
concession over what NATO demanded just prior to the bombing, it will be a
wake.
The stakes now involve far more than the fate of Kosovo. They were altered
dramatically the day the bombing began. It is no exaggeration to say that
NATO's failure to prevail would mean both the end of NATO as a credible
alliance and the undermining of America's global leadership. And the
consequences of either would be devastating to global stability. It is
instructive to pause here and ask, Who endorses the use of force to stop the
ethnic killing and cleansing in Kosovo, and who opposes it? All of NATO's 19
democracies stand united (even if a couple are wobbly), and all of Europe's
other democracies are generally supportive. Violently opposed are the
erratic admirer of Hitler in Belarus and the current Russian regime, which
failed in Chechnya in what Milosevic is attempting to do in Kosovo. Two
visions of the European future are thus colliding: one that views Europe as
a community genuinely bound by a shared respect for human rights, and one
that believes ruling national elites have the sovereign right to engage even
in a type of genocide against their minorities.
Ill-wishers of America and Europe understand this well. A leading Moscow
newspaper (Nezavisimaya Gazeta, on March 25) gloated openly -- while also
informing the Clinton administration where the Kremlin really stands -- that
the crisis initiates "the epoch of the collapse of the U.S. global empire
and, evidently, the epoch of Europe's final eclipse." It went on to urge
Russia "to just sit on the fence, saying all the necessary things and
watching NATO destroy itself."
So far, the administration has done very well in keeping NATO together. But
it has not done as well on the military level, and its political fortitude
is questionable. During the first three weeks, NATO's air campaign against
Serbia was timid and morally irresponsible. Sadly, there has been a failure
to react in a timely fashion to the bestial treatment inflicted on the
defenseless Kosovars. Though the ethnic cleansing undeniably predated the
bombing, it was accelerated after the bombing started. The White House team
cannot escape responsibility for the failure to do at least the minimum
possible to impede the victimization of the Kosovars.
It is simply incomprehensible why the needed attack helicopters were not
assembled before the air operation was launched. Did it not occur to any
senior official that Serbian forces would move against the Kosovars? Why
were the helicopters denied to NATO commanders for some ten days after the
operation started, with the entire world watching the mass expulsions and
learning also of large-scale executions? A strong tactical air assault
against Milosevic's ground forces should have been launched from Day One,
even at the risk of losses. It is painful to imagine young Albanians
desperately scanning the skies before being either raped or shot.
Moreover, the bombing has been conducted in a manner that defies even the
most elementary notions of human psychology under conditions of war. Instead
of shocking and intimidating the opponent, the air campaign has striven to
avoid casualties not only to allied airmen but even to Milosevic's
officials, thereby inoculating the Serbs against fear of bombing while
mobilizing Serbian nationalist passions in support of the Belgrade dictator.
Also noteworthy is that, paradoxically, the strategic bombardment of
Serbian assets has been conducted as if its goal were the attrition of the
Serbian army in preparation for a NATO ground campaign. But President
Clinton ruled out the latter, and even into the third week of the bombing he
continued to reassure Milosevic that the U.S. had no intention of engaging
in ground combat. One cannot avoid the suspicion that political expediency
was at work here, at a time when genuine leadership was needed. This
self-denying posture has given Milosevic every incentive to hunker down and
absorb the punishment from the skies, while completing his cleansing of
Kosovo.
Admittedly, a ground campaign cannot be launched instantly. It requires
careful and deliberate deployment of forces, and (in democracies) a strong
base of public support. But if the air campaign does not produce the
required political success, ground combat will become necessary. So why not
prepare for it now? And why, in the present circumstances, give Milosevic a
greater sense of confidence that he need not worry about it? It just makes
no sense for the president and his advisors to be proclaiming that NATO
forces will enter Kosovo only with Milosevic's permission.
GUIDELINES FOR ACTION What then must be done? Given the stakes involved, the
United States, as the recognized leader of the alliance, must pursue a
no-holds-barred approach to winning. The American leadership must project
principled courage and not be guided by a political compass. Belgrade's
ruling elite must be convinced -- by NATO's military actions as well as its
political posture -- that Milosevic's crimes and obduracy portend for it a
collective ruin. To that end, the following guidelines should shape policy:
(1) The Rambouillet formula for Kosovo's autonomy within Serbia is dead. It
was killed by Milosevic's crimes against humanity. For several years to
come, Kosovo's formal status will have to remain indeterminate, under NATO's
direct protection.
(2) It follows that there cannot be any negotiations with Milosevic
himself, except in order to implement the modalities of Serbian withdrawal
following the imposition of NATO's terms. The alliance should reject the
temptation to accept any deal contrived by Russia that would grant Milosevic
an easing of NATO's original terms. To do so would mark the bombing as a
tragically pointless failure, would reward Milosevic for his ethnic
cleansing, and would represent a great political success for the Kremlin's
anti-NATO posture. That has to be made crystal clear.
(3) The air campaign should be intensified if it is either to destroy
Milosevic's military power or to compel him to accept NATO's terms. The
current targeting restrictions have seriously limited the bombing's military
as well as political impact.
(4) Major deployments should now be initiated in preparation for a possible
NATO ground operation, presumably out of Albania and Macedonia. Once the
bombing has effectively isolated the Serbian forces currently in Kosovo from
Serbia proper, they will become vulnerable -- especially when out of fuel
and ammunition -- to a sweep by NATO ground forces. In any case, a
mopping-up operation will become necessary if Milosevic refuses to
capitulate even with his army seriously weakened by systematic attrition
from the air.
(5) The victims of Kosovo have a moral right to self-defense. Hence weapons
should be provided to those who resist. And such aid would further signal to
Belgrade that its strategy of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo will fail.
(6) Yugoslavia's foreign assets should be subject to seizure in all NATO
countries, both to exert pressure on Belgrade and as a prelude to eventual
reparations for the damage inflicted on Kosovo by Milosevic's forces.
(7) Without waiting for the hostilities to end, the United States and the
European Union should jointly announce their intention to formulate a
comprehensive plan for the resettlement, reconstruction, and rehabilitation
of Kosovo. A strong commitment to that end, buttressed by a stated
determination to return all refugees to Kosovo, would greatly enhance the
credibility of the ongoing bombing campaign, stripping Belgrade of any
residual hopes for the retention of Kosovo or some part of it.
(8) The program suggested in (7) should also contain a provision holding
out the hope that a democratic, post-Milosevic Serbia will be included in a
wider Balkan-reconstruction effort, involving Macedonia, Albania, and
Montenegro as well. That could encourage the more realistic Serbs to
reconsider their current support for Milosevic's suicidal policies. In any
case, both America and its NATO allies will now have to be engaged in a
longer-term effort to ensure stability in the Balkans. Once the Kremlin
sobers up, Russian peacekeeping involvement would also be desirable, as it
has already proven in Bosnia.
(9) Congress should pass a joint resolution endorsing the political aims of
NATO's campaign and pledge U.S. resolve to attain them by all the necessary
means. Given the stakes involved, America's commitment must be unambiguous
and enduring. Such a strategy would require much more determination and
ethical motivation from the Oval Office and from the top Republican
congressional leadership than we have seen so far. In these circumstances,
it is up to those legislators who had the instinctive courage to take a
stand -- notably Senators McCain, Lugar, Hagel, Biden, Lieberman -- to fill
the strategic void.
© National Review. All rights reserved. All content of this magazine/website
represents the views of the respective authors and does not necessarily
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Forwarded as information only; no endorsement to be presumed ...
Because? Back on 28th March 1999, I posted an article from the Christian
Science Monitor, the post having been entitled "Genocide = ?". At the
beginning, I added one of my usual cynical remarks, "Everyone got their
draft card ???" And today, I find this ...
>From WWW.ALAMANCEIND.COM <<Week of 18th April 1999>>
Matt Maggio, Publisher & Editor Email
Do you have draft-age kids? Buy them a copy of this book now.
"IV-F" is the complete manual to draft evasion - published
during Nam by the American Friends Service Committee.
This little paperback goes into great detail about legal,
illegal-but-unprovable, and illegal ways to avoid being drafted.
It's probably out of print anymore - but it's in college libraries; you
might also find it in old-book stores. (Or call the American
Friends Service Committee in Philadelphia to see if they still sell
it.)
Learn how to build up a medical history that will make your kid
IV-F now - before the all-volunteer military, already quite short
on recruits before Kosovo, can't recruit anywhere near as many as
the Draftdodger-In-Chief's latest "Wag The Dog" war will need for
a prolonged U.S. ground presence in a combat zone. You don't
have to be "disabled" to be medically IV-F; after all, Joe Namath
was earning $400,000 playing pro football and was IV-F due
to knee problems. The book lists lots of medical conditions
that cannot be proven nor disproven - such as migraines - that
will make you IV-F for the draft - if you build up a history of being
treated for them by a doctor long in advance of being called
for a draft physical. Best of all, the conditions involved will not
hurt you when applying for civilian work.
Hell no, your kid shouldn't go - not to fight for Kosovo. Least
of all for a Commander-In-Chief who himself dodged the draft - and
just started this war to get the latest Chinese scandal at Los
Alamos out of the news. Still less when you can bet that Chelsea
will stay at sunny Stanford, dating her precious Hollywood boyfriend,
while draftees fight in Kosovo.
Don't kid yourself - the Draftdodger-In-Chief will probably be
remembered as the president under which the all-volunteer military
collapsed - and who seeks, successfully or not, to revive the draft
for his war in Kosovo.
Military morale before Kosovo was already lousy - due to the
Draftdodger-In-Chief's military downsizing making away-from-family
deployments ever longer on his ever-increasing "humanitarian"
missions. His military budget cuts - with results ranging from
atrocious shortages of ammo in training to cannibalizing parts on
aircraft to troops on Food Stamps - also hurt retention drastically
even before Kosovo.
Kosovo - with no pretense of just being a "noncombat"
situation like Bosnia has been peddled to the public as - will
probably make the all-volunteer military collapse. The Army, Navy,
and Air Force even before Kosovo were not able to meet recruiting
goals; outside of towns such as Parma, Ohio - an "ethnic" suburb
with a strong military tradition that is a recruiter's dream - how
many parents will want Junior to sign up as Kosovo drags on.
The only question is whether Congress will give the
Draftdodger-In-Chief draftees as the war in Kosovo expands and
recruitment further collapses.
Back
Matt Maggio Editor & Publisher
All Stories Copyright © 1999 Matt Maggio
~~~~~~~~~~~~
>From WWW.ALAMANCEIND.COM
Matt Maggio, Publisher & Editor Email
"Having participated in antiwar demonstrations, Gore shared the view of many
contemporaries and his father: The Vietnam policy and the war were wrong. He
contemplated refusing military service, and his parents say they would have
backed him. But pragmatism and loyalty to his father moved him to enter the
service, he said. If he didn't go, quota systems dictated that someone else
would have to, Gore reasoned, and his father was in a bitter re-election
struggle with Republican William Brock, a Chattanooga congressman who
portrayed his opponent as a dove."
-Chicago Tribune, March 11, 1988
It's now beyond dispute that his short stints in divinity
school and law school were not a draft dodge, because they came
after he got out of the Army - but it's equally clear that Al Gore
very seriously considered dodging the draft and only decided
against doing so in order to maintain his (and his father's)
viability within the political system.
Gore's true record during the Nam years haunted him during his
aborted 1988 presidential campaign. Then, he had to deal with the
fact that his campaign materials' claims to have served in combat
were as false as his recent claims to have invented the Internet;
actually, Gore's Army service was solely as a reporter for an Army
publication. He never learned his lesson; like the people who
march in veterans' parades claiming to have won medals they didn't,
Gore did it again with the 1992 Clinton/Gore campaign's
distribution of him carrying a rucksack in Nam as if he were a
combat soldier. (About the only way in which Gore was typical of
Vietnam draftees was his later admission that he smoked marijuana
while there - and after.)
Al Gore's record during Nam sure could have been the
inspiration for the Creedence Clearwater Revival song about Nam
"Ain't No Senator's Son."
<<I think the title is actually "Fortunate Son">>
>From http://www.escape.ca/~mloewen/ccr/lyrics/ccr1.html#15
FORTUNATE SON (J.C. Fogerty)
Some folks are born made to wave the flag,
Ooh, they're red, white and blue.
And when the band plays "Hail to the chief",
Ooh, they point the cannon at you, Lord,
It ain't me, it ain't me, I ain't no senator's son, son.
It ain't me, it ain't me; I ain't no fortunate one, no,
Yeah!
Some folks are born silver spoon in hand,
Lord, don't they help themselves, oh.
But when the taxman comes to the door,
Lord, the house looks like a rummage sale, yes,
It ain't me, it ain't me, I ain't no millionaire's son, no.
It ain't me, it ain't me; I ain't no fortunate one, no.
Some folks inherit star spangled eyes,
Ooh, they send you down to war, Lord,
And when you ask them, "How much should we give?"
Ooh, they only answer More! more! more! yoh,
It ain't me, it ain't me, I ain't no military son, son.
It ain't me, it ain't me; I ain't no fortunate one, one.
It ain't me, it ain't me, I ain't no fortunate one, no no no,
It ain't me, it ain't me, I ain't no fortunate son, no no no,
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A<>E<>R
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