-Caveat Lector-

-------- Original Message --------
Subject: EU / NATO
Date: Tue, 20 Apr 1999 13:09:08 -0700
From: nurev <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Organization: Nurev Independent Research

From- The Guardian
--J2
=====================

Hand in hand on the
western front

In the discreet Belgian suburbs, two
powerful men are bonding

By Martin Walker
Monday April 19, 1999


As if he were conducting a secret love
affair, the calendar of the late and
unlamented European Commission
President, Jacques Santer, has for the past
year listed regular, early morning meetings
with someone identified only as "S''.

This discreet monthly rendezvous was a
breakfast with Javier Solana,
secretary-general of Nato. The two men did
not have far to travel. The Nato HQ is on
the main road to Brussels airport, in the
suburb of Evere, about seven minutes by
car from the Commission building at the
Schumann roundabout. But if Nato and the
EU Commission have inhabited the same
city for 33 years, they live officially on
different planets.

This has been deliberate. Nato only came
to Brussels in 1966, when President de
Gaulle evicted the HQ from France, and
French animosity towards the
US-dominated alliance ensured that it
stayed at arm's length from the institutions
of Europe. Hence the discretion of those
monthly breakfasts.

But the catalysing effect of the long Balkan
wars of the 1990s has been making this as
untenable as it is ridiculous. Nato and the
EU have stumbled and drifted into a roughly
rational form of division of labour for the
Balkans.

Nato does the hard political-military stuff
and the EU does the soft foreign policy of
humanitarian aid and reconstruction. At its
most absurd, this means Nato airstrikes
knock down Serbian telecommunications
towers and the EU helps finance their
reconstruction, so the warplanes can
knock them down again.

Kosovo means that the two institutions are
now joined at the hip. Germany's latest
proposal of a Marshall Plan to reconstruct
the Balkans and bring them into the EU
and Nato has now become simultaneously
Nato's war aim and the EU's long-term
peace plan.

This cosy new relationship was to have
been formalised later this week at a grand
jamboree for Nato's 50th birthday at which
Barbra Streisand was to sing and President
Bill Clinton was to put his seal on
America's gracious acceptance of a
separate European defence identity within
Nato.

Previous US administrations had sent stiff
diplomatic notes, warning that Nato's future
was at risk, whenever Europeans hesitantly
suggested such a heresy. The Clinton
team, recognising the value of lending their
intelligence and logistics assets while
Europe provided cannon-fodder for
operations of marginal US interest, has
been more relaxed.

It is a bit like the Indian Army of the British
Raj. The Americans provide the staff
officers, gunners and engineers; Europeans
are the sepoys. The problem is that,
except for our unusable nuclear weapons,
we Europeans are barely up to sepoy
status yet. We have 2 million men under
arms (compared to 1.2 million for the US)
but spend about two thirds of the US
defence budget, and are thus an entire
technological generation behind them.

It was when Tony Blair and President
Chirac were glumly informed by their
general staffs last year that the combined
French and British air forces could not
seize command of the air over puny Serbia
that the European revolution began. Britain
gave up its long insistence that Europe's
security depended on Nato and only Nato.
The French finally accepted that Nato need
not be merely a ploy to guarantee
American hegemony. And at the St Malo
summit last December, we jointly agreed to
promote a European defence system.

Last month at Reinhartshausen, the
Germans came up with a plan for the
bureaucracy to achieve this. It called for an
EU military committee, of equivalent status
to the EU's shadowy and powerful
monetary committee, which was the crucial
institution in the launch of the single
currency. The Germans also proposed
regular meetings of European general
staffs, which should be fun for the
Luxembourg colonel (commanding 800
troops) when he sits alongside the French
and British nuclear-armed grandees. "I felt I
was at the birth of an event as historic as
the launch of the euro,' commented Spain's
foreign minister, Abel Matutes.

He may well be right, because of yet
another revolution which has taken place to
join the American, French and British
rethinks. The Germans are finally shaking
off the long, post-war habits of deference,
thanks to the peace and love and radical
politics generation of 1969.

Just as it took Richard Nixon to open US
diplomatic relations with Red China, it took
that former Young Socialist revolutionary
Gerhard Schroeder and the erstwhile Green
pacifist Joschka Fischer to get the
Luftwaffe bombing Belgrade again.

So America's great postwar genetic
achievement, of transforming belligerent
Germans and Japanese into plump
bourgeois pussycats, is ending. And that
agreeable feature of the EU, as an
economic superpower which deliberately
chose not to match its wealth with military
ambition, is withering fast. Those discreet
EU-Nato breakfasts are set to become
formal planning sessions, towards a
European military vocation which we have
yet to define.

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