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http://www.counterpunch.org/kolodner10072004.html

Where is the Urgency?
The Anti-War Movement's Election Year Challenge
By MEREDITH KOLODNER

As the media focus on questions of judgment, and politicians debate the
finer points of how to "win the peace" in Iraq, the horror that continues to
unfold in Iraq remains muted in US society. NBC's "Fear Factor" is more
explicitly gruesome than the day-to-day coverage of a real live war. It is
reality TV without the reality, as if Iraqi children don't bleed and scream
when they die, as if American soldiers do not have coffins and their
families don't hold funerals.

But in fact, during the span of just 4 days last week, 110 people died and
over 300 were injured in Baghdad alone, according to Wall Street Journal
reporter Farnaz Fassihi. He wrote recently, "The numbers [of Iraqi dead] are
so shocking that the ministry of health -- which was attempting an exercise
of public transparency by releasing the numbers -- has now stopped
disclosing them."

So add to the fog of war, the opaque filter of election year politics. Not
that during other times we are told and shown the truth, but it is striking
that as the crisis in Iraq intensifies to its highest pitch since "Mission
Accomplished," and the candidates are forced to at least discuss the issue,
the anti-war movement is quiet.

No doubt there are important, courageous exceptions to this state of
affairs. A rally by veterans and military families in Bush's so-called
hometown in Texas; a memorial procession from Arlington Cemetery to the
Pentagon, to name a few. There are also rallies in which Iraq will rightly
be part of a set of progressive demands such as the Million Worker March and
rallies planned by local coalitions outside the Presidential debates. But it
would be dishonest to say that the bulk of the groups who make up the
national anti-war movement have their eyes glued to events in Iraq and
Palestine, not to mention Afghanistan. Instead, the efforts of most
individuals and officially non-partisan organizations are focused on getting
Bush out of office. These efforts may be couched in the form of "voter
education" or "preventing voter fraud," but if we can step outside the
confines of 501(c)3 status for a moment and speak candidly, the majority of
the movement believes that defeating Bush is our central priority this fall.

People on the left who object to the politics of supporting the Democratic
Party often reach back into history in an attempt to convince others why it
is that voting for the lesser evil only demobilizes movements and moves the
political spectrum to the right, making it more difficult to build effective
progressive movements in the US. But this year it is happening right now,
right in front of us. Certainly there are other issues facing the movement.
There are questions about the political nature of the Iraqi resistance which
cause people who may in theory agree with an occupied people's right to
self-defense to pause or lose enthusiasm in the face of the concrete reality
of a politically heterogeneous resistance movement. This of course makes
more difficult answering the central question of "won't there be chaos and
the possibility of an Islamist government" if we pull the troops out now.
But those are issues for further discussion elsewhere.

Central to the current low profile of the anti-war movement is the belief
that ending the occupation of Iraq under Kerry would be an easier task. The
effect has been building for months. Where is the urgency in building a
movement if the most effective place to exert power is at the ballot box in
November? The deafening silence after the torture at Abu Ghraib was the
first sign. Then came the decision by most to forgo protesting the
Democratic Convention, strewn as it was with generals and war cries, and
instead to focus on the Republican National Convention. No doubt the 1/2
million-person march at the RNC was spectacular, and should indeed have been
a central focus. But even there, the decision to simply unite behind the
slogan, "We Say No to the Bush Agenda," and issue no informational leaflets,
put forward no demands, and print no new anti-war signs aside from ones that
read "We Say No to the Bush Agenda," muted its political impact.

Now, as the election nears, the central effort of groups around the country
is getting out the vote and "voter education," with activists being shipped
off to "swing states" to "talk about the issues." Without endangering
anyone's non-profit status, a candid look at the actual priorities reveals a
fall focused on stumping for Kerry. After a month of the highest death rates
since the siege of Falluja in April, when US generals are admitting they
have lost control of large sections of the country, and when injury rates
for US soldiers are up to 30-35 per day on average, anti-war forces in the
US are hitting the streets to elect a candidate who promises to "lead the
troops to victory" in Iraq.

Last week's debate is being hailed by some as proof of Kerry's right to
claim the anti-war vote. But a closer examination says just the opposite. To
be sure, the candidates said different things and even proposed different
strategies for dealing with Iraq (as well as a variety of other countries
now simply assumed to be "the enemy"). But the difference was one of how
best to fight and win, not whether or not the US military should be deployed
to defend so-called "American interests" around the world.

On Iraq, Kerry argued, "What I want to do is to change the dynamics on the
ground. And you have to do that by beginning to not back off Fallujas and
other places and send the wrong message to the terrorists." He finished up
by looking straight into the camera and telling us, "I,m not talking about
leaving. I,m talking about winning." Only the experts of Spin Alley could
make us think that it would be easier to end the occupation under this man.
And for all the seductive talk of working with others, rebuilding alliances
and regaining credibility, Kerry's speech at New York University a week
earlier laid out most plainly what this will mean. He argued that Bush
"should give other countries a stake in Iraq's future by encouraging them to
help develop Iraq's oil resources and by letting them bid on contracts
instead of locking them out of the reconstruction process." In this
scenario, the lucky people of Iraq will be helped by shifting from a
US-dominated theft, to one where other rich countries will divide the spoils
with the US.

What was even more frightening was Kerry's plan for the War on Terror. He
wants to "finish the job" in Iraq so he can focus on the real problem. He
began by telling us, "I have a better plan to be able to fight the war on
terror by strengthening our military, strengthening our intelligence" and "I
will hunt down and kill the terrorists wherever they are." Kerry wants us to
focus again on Afghanistan, sounding eerily like the Vietnam revisionists,
as he claims that Bush didn't fight the war well enough, with enough US
troops, enough bombs, and enough Special Forces. While the war in
Afghanistan may have more support in the US than the war in Iraq, surely it
is the responsibility of the anti-war movement, which burst onto the scene
as Bush targeted the Taliban, to oppose this intervention as steadfastly as
the one in Iraq, and see as its task explaining the reality of the US
slaughter in Afghanistan to people in the US who find themselves under the
influence of Fox News and CNN's relentless propaganda campaign.

But Kerry did not stop with Afghanistan. He argued for his plan to add "two
active-duty divisions to the US Army, not for Iraq but for our general
demands across the globe." He even floated the idea of the use of military
troop deployment and/or pre-emptive strikes aimed at North Korea, Iran and
the Sudan. Most in the anti-war movement would agree that it is our job to
object to all of these attacks. But this task is made near impossible if we
are instead out in the streets trying to convince people to vote for a man
who is laying out his own "improved" war plan.

Imagine a different scenario. Imagine if, instead of comparing Get Out the
Vote for Kerry bus trips to "today's version of the Civil Rights Movement's
Freedom Rides," the anti-war movement was busy exposing the complete and
utter failure of the occupation in Iraq. Imagine if we held press
conferences directly after each debate to deplore the complete invisibility
of the occupation of Palestine and the absurdity of a "debate" between two
men who both want to strengthen the occupation until complete victory and
domination.

Imagine if we were "educating voters" that neither of the candidates will
bring the troops home, and that only by building a movement at home and in
the armed services will we ever succeed. Imagine if, led by military
families and veterans, we did real Freedom Rides to Kerry and Bush's
campaign headquarters, to demand freedom for people in Iraq. Imagine if we
sat-in on the media headquarters until they showed pictures of injured US
soldiers in Germany. Imagine if we dropped banners around the country that
took up the latest slogan from Not In Our Name, "We Say No to the Bush
Agenda No Matter Who Kerry's it Out." And imagine if it weren't considered
heresy to mention that there is an anti-war candidate, but that his name is
not John, it's Ralph.

This is not simply a matter of saying the movement should be doing more that
can always be said. It is a matter of what precisely the movement is doing
and how the great sucking sound of the Democratic Party is actively
demobilizing the anti-war movement. If the movement is busy getting out the
vote for a pro-war candidate, we only sow illusions in the idea that Kerry
may pull the troops out. It is the job of the anti-war movement to undo
those illusions so that if Kerry is elected, there is not yet another lull
in the movement as we "give him a chance." With an Administration that lies
pathologically and a Democratic Party that thinks that as long as focus
groups agree, it's not really a lie, it is the responsibility of the
anti-war movement to tell the truth.

Meredith Kolodner is an activist in New York City. She can be reached at
[EMAIL PROTECTED]





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DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
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sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
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major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
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