-Caveat Lector-

Iran: A Bridge too Far?
The weapon that could defeat the US in the Gulf
by Mark Gaffney*
10/26/04:

Last July, they dubbed it operation Summer Pulse: a simultaneous mustering
of US Naval forces, world wide, that was unprecedented. According to the
Navy, it was the first exercise of its new Fleet Response Plan (FRP), the
purpose of which was to enable the Navy to respond quickly to an
international crisis. The Navy wanted to show its increased force readiness,
that is, its capacity to rapidly move combat power to any global hot spot.
Never in the history of the US Navy had so many carrier battle groups been
involved in a single operation. Even the US fleet massed in the Gulf and
eastern Mediterranean during operation Desert Storm in 1991, and in the
recent invasion of Iraq, never exceeded six battle groups. But last July and
August there were seven of them on the move, each battle group consisting of
a Nimitz-class aircraft carrier with its full complement of 7-8 supporting
ships, and 70 or more assorted aircraft. Most of the activity, according to
various reports, was in the Pacific, where the fleet participated in joint
exercises with the Taiwanese navy.

But why so much naval power underway at the same time? What potential world
crisis could possibly require more battle groups than were deployed during
the recent invasion of Iraq? In past years, when the US has seen fit to
“show the flag” or flex its naval muscle, one or two carrier groups have
sufficed. Why this global show of power?

The news headlines about the joint-maneuvers in the South China Sea read:
“Saber Rattling Unnerves China”, and: “Huge Show of Force Worries Chinese.”
But the reality was quite different, and, as we shall see, has grave
ramifications for the continuing US military presence in the Persian Gulf;
because operation Summer Pulse reflected a high-level Pentagon decision that
an unprecedented show of strength was needed to counter what is viewed as a
growing threat –– in the particular case of China, because of Peking’s
newest Sovremenny-class destroyers recently acquired from Russia.

“Nonsense!” you are probably thinking. That’s impossible. How could a few
picayune destroyers threaten the US Pacific fleet?”

Here is where the story thickens: Summer Pulse amounted to a tacit
acknowledgement, obvious to anyone paying attention, that the United States
has been eclipsed in an important area of military technology, and that this
qualitative edge is now being wielded by others, including the Chinese;
because those otherwise very ordinary destroyers were, in fact, launching
platforms for Russian-made 3M-82 Moskit anti-ship cruise missiles (NATO
designation: SS-N-22 Sunburn), a weapon for which the US Navy currently has
no defense. Here I am not suggesting that the US status of lone world
Superpower has been surpassed. I am simply saying that a new global balance
of power is emerging, in which other individual states may, on occasion,
achieve “an asymmetric advantage” over the US. And this, in my view,
explains the immense scale of Summer Pulse. The US show last summer of
overwhelming strength was calculated to send a message.

The Sunburn Missile

I was shocked when I learned the facts about these Russian-made cruise
missiles. The problem is that so many of us suffer from two common
misperceptions. The first follows from our assumption that Russia is
militarily weak, as a result of the breakup of the old Soviet system.
Actually, this is accurate, but it does not reflect the complexities.
Although the Russian navy continues to rust in port, and the Russian army is
in disarray, in certain key areas Russian technology is actually superior to
our own. And nowhere is this truer than in the vital area of anti-ship
cruise missile technology, where the Russians hold at least a ten-year lead
over the US. The second misperception has to do with our complacency in
general about missiles-as-weapons –– probably attributable to the pathetic
performance of Saddam Hussein’s Scuds during the first Gulf war: a dangerous
illusion that I will now attempt to rectify.

Many years ago, Soviet planners gave up trying to match the US Navy ship for
ship, gun for gun, and dollar for dollar. The Soviets simply could not
compete with the high levels of US spending required to build up and
maintain a huge naval armada. They shrewdly adopted an alternative approach
based on strategic defense. They searched for weaknesses, and sought
relatively inexpensive ways to exploit those weaknesses. The Soviets
succeeded: by developing several supersonic anti-ship missiles, one of
which, the SS-N-22 Sunburn, has been called “the most lethal missile in the
world today.”

After the collapse of the Soviet Union the old military establishment fell
upon hard times. But in the late1990s Moscow awakened to the under-utilized
potential of its missile technology to generate desperately needed foreign
exchange. A decision was made to resuscitate selected programs, and, very
soon, Russian missile technology became a hot export commodity. Today,
Russian missiles are a growth industry generating much-needed cash for
Russia, with many billions in combined sales to India, China, Viet Nam,
Cuba, and also Iran. In the near future this dissemination of advanced
technology is likely to present serious challenges to the US. Some have even
warned that the US Navy’s largest ships, the massive carriers, have now
become floating death traps, and should for this reason be mothballed.

The Sunburn missile has never seen use in combat, to my knowledge, which
probably explains why its fearsome capabilities are not more widely
recognized. Other cruise missiles have been used, of course, on several
occasions, and with devastating results. During the Falklands War,
French-made Exocet missiles, fired from Argentine fighters, sunk the HMS
Sheffield and another ship. And, in 1987, during the Iran-Iraq war, the USS
Stark was nearly cut in half by a pair of Exocets while on patrol in the
Persian Gulf. On that occasion US Aegis radar picked up the incoming Iraqi
fighter (a French-made Mirage), and tracked its approach to within 50 miles.
The radar also “saw” the Iraqi plane turn about and return to its base. But
radar never detected the pilot launch his weapons. The sea-skimming Exocets
came smoking in under radar and were only sighted by human eyes moments
before they ripped into the Stark, crippling the ship and killing 37 US
sailors.

The 1987 surprise attack on the Stark exemplifies the dangers posed by
anti-ship cruise missiles. And the dangers are much more serious in the case
of the Sunburn, whose specs leave the sub-sonic Exocet in the dust. Not only
is the Sunburn much larger and faster, it has far greater range and a
superior guidance system. Those who have witnessed its performance trials
invariably come away stunned. According to one report, when the Iranian
Defense Minister Ali Shamkhani visited Moscow in October 2001 he requested a
test firing of the Sunburn, which the Russians were only too happy to
arrange. So impressed was Ali Shamkhani that he placed an order for an
undisclosed number of the missiles.

The Sunburn can deliver a 200-kiloton nuclear payload, or: a 750-pound
conventional warhead, within a range of 100 miles, more than twice the range
of the Exocet. The Sunburn combines a Mach 2.1 speed (two times the speed of
sound) with a flight pattern that hugs the deck and includes “violent end
maneuvers” to elude enemy defenses. The missile was specifically designed to
defeat the US Aegis radar defense system. Should a US Navy Phalanx point
defense somehow manage to detect an incoming Sunburn missile, the system has
only seconds to calculate a fire solution –– not enough time to take out the
intruding missile. The US Phalanx defense employs a six-barreled gun that
fires 3,000 depleted-uranium rounds a minute, but the gun must have precise
coordinates to destroy an intruder “just in time.”

The Sunburn’s combined supersonic speed and payload size produce tremendous
kinetic energy on impact, with devastating consequences for ship and crew. A
single one of these missiles can sink a large warship, yet costs
considerably less than a fighter jet. Although the Navy has been phasing out
the older Phalanx defense system, its replacement, known as the Rolling
Action Missile (RAM) has never been tested against the weapon it seems
destined to one day face in combat.

Implications For US Forces in the Gulf

The US Navy’s only plausible defense against a robust weapon like the
Sunburn missile is to detect the enemy’s approach well ahead of time,
whether destroyers, subs, or fighter-bombers, and defeat them before they
can get in range and launch their deadly cargo. For this purpose US AWACs
radar planes assigned to each naval battle group are kept aloft on a
rotating schedule. The planes “see” everything within two hundred miles of
the fleet, and are complemented with intelligence from orbiting satellites.

But US naval commanders operating in the Persian Gulf face serious
challenges that are unique to the littoral, i.e., coastal, environment.  A
glance at a map shows why: The Gulf is nothing but a large lake, with one
narrow outlet, and most of its northern shore, i.e., Iran, consists of
mountainous terrain that affords a commanding tactical advantage over ships
operating in Gulf waters. The rugged northern shore makes for easy
concealment of coastal defenses, such as mobile missile launchers, and also
makes their detection problematic. Although it was not widely reported, the
US actually lost the battle of the Scuds in the first Gulf War ––  termed
“the great Scud hunt” –– and for similar reasons. Saddam Hussein’s mobile
Scud launchers proved so difficult to detect and destroy –– over and over
again the Iraqis fooled allied reconnaissance with decoys –– that during the
course of Desert Storm the US was unable to confirm even a single kill. This
proved such an embarrassment to the Pentagon, afterwards, that the
unpleasant stats were buried in official reports. But the blunt fact is that
the US failed to stop the Scud attacks. The launches continued until the
last few days of the conflict. Luckily, the Scud’s inaccuracy made it an
almost useless weapon. At one point General Norman Schwarzkopf quipped
dismissively to the press that his soldiers had a greater chance of being
struck by lightning in Georgia than by a Scud in Kuwait.

But that was then, and it would be a grave error to allow the Scud’s
ineffectiveness to blur the facts concerning this other missile. The Sunburn’s
amazing accuracy was demonstrated not long ago in a live test staged at sea
by the Chinese –– and observed by US spy planes. Not only did the Sunburn
missile destroy the dummy target ship, it scored a perfect bull’s eye,
hitting the crosshairs of a large “X” mounted on the ship’s bridge. The only
word that does it justice, awesome, has become a cliché, hackneyed from
hyperbolic excess.

The US Navy has never faced anything in combat as formidable as the Sunburn
missile. But this will surely change if the US and Israel decide to wage a
so-called preventive war against Iran to destroy its nuclear infrastructure.
Storm clouds have been darkening over the Gulf for many months. In recent
years Israel upgraded its air force with a new fleet of long-range F-15
fighter-bombers, and even more recently took delivery of 5,000 bunker-buster
bombs from the US –– weapons that many observers think are intended for use
against Iran.

The arming for war has been matched by threats. Israeli officials have
declared repeatedly that they will not allow the Mullahs to develop nuclear
power, not even reactors to generate electricity for peaceful use. Their
threats are particularly worrisome, because Israel has a long history of
pre-emptive war. (See my 1989 book Dimona: the Third Temple? and also my
2003 article Will Iran Be Next? posted at <
http://www.InformationClearingHouse.info/article3288.htm >)

Never mind that such a determination is not Israel’s to make, and belongs
instead to the international community, as codified in the Nonproliferation
Treaty (NPT). With regard to Iran, the International Atomic Energy Agency’s
(IAEA’s) recent report (September 2004) is well worth a look, as it
repudiates facile claims by the US and Israel that Iran is building bombs.
While the report is highly critical of Tehran for its ambiguities and its
grudging release of documents, it affirms that IAEA inspectors have been
admitted to every nuclear site in the country to which they have sought
access, without exception. Last year Iran signed the strengthened IAEA
inspection protocol, which until then had been voluntary. And the IAEA has
found no hard evidence, to date, either that bombs exist or that Iran has
made a decision to build them. (The latest IAEA report can be downloaded at:
www.GlobalSecurity.org)

In a talk on October 3, 2004, IAEA Director General Mohamed El Baradei made
the clearest statement yet: "Iran has no nuclear weapons program", he said,
and then repeated himself for emphasis: “Iran has no nuclear weapons
program, but I personally don’t rush to conclusions before all the realities
are clarified. So far I see nothing that could be called an imminent danger.
I have seen no nuclear weapons program in Iran. What I have seen is that
Iran is trying to gain access to nuclear enrichment technology, and so far
there is no danger from Iran. Therefore, we should make use of political and
diplomatic means before thinking of resorting to other alternatives.”

No one disputes that Tehran is pursuing a dangerous path, but with 200 or
more Israeli nukes targeted upon them the Iranians’ insistence on keeping
their options open is understandable. Clearly, the nuclear nonproliferation
regime today hangs by the slenderest of threads. The world has arrived at a
fateful crossroads.

A Fearful Symmetry?

If a showdown over Iran develops in the coming months, the man who could
hold the outcome in his hands will be thrust upon the world stage. That man,
like him or hate him, is Russian President Vladimir Putin. He has been
castigated severely in recent months for gathering too much political power
to himself. But according to former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev, who
was interviewed on US television recently by David Brokaw, Putin has not
imposed a tyranny upon Russia –– yet. Gorbachev thinks the jury is still out
on Putin.

Perhaps, with this in mind, we should be asking whether Vladimir Putin is a
serious student of history. If he is, then he surely recognizes that the
deepening crisis in the Persian Gulf presents not only manifold dangers, but
also opportunities. Be assured that the Russian leader has not forgotten the
humiliating defeat Ronald Reagan inflicted upon the old Soviet state. (Have
we Americans forgotten?) By the mid-1980s the Soviets were in Kabul, and had
all but defeated the Mujahedeen. The Soviet Union appeared secure in its
military occupation of Afghanistan. But then, in 1986, the first US Stinger
missiles reached the hands of the Afghani resistance; and, quite suddenly,
Soviet helicopter gunships and MiGs began dropping out of the skies like
flaming stones. The tide swiftly turned, and by 1989 it was all over but the
hand wringing and gnashing of teeth in the Kremlin. Defeated, the Soviets
slunk back across the frontier. The whole world cheered the American
Stingers, which had carried the day.

This very night, as he sips his cognac, what is Vladimir Putin thinking? Is
he perhaps thinking about the perverse symmetries of history? If so, he may
also be wondering (and discussing with his closest aides) how a truly great
nation like the United States could be so blind and so stupid as to allow
another state, i.e., Israel, to control its foreign policy, especially in a
region as vital (and volatile) as the Mid-East. One can almost hear the
Russians’ animated conversation:

“The Americans! What is the matter with them?”
“They simply cannot help themselves.”
“What idiots!”
“A nation as foolish as this deserves to be taught a lesson…”
“Yes! For their own good.”
“It must be a painful lesson, one they will never forget…”
“Are we agreed, then, comrades?”
“Let us teach our American friends a lesson about the limits of military
power!”

Does anyone really believe that Vladimir Putin will hesitate to seize a most
rare opportunity to change the course of history and, in the bargain, take
his sweet revenge? Surely Putin understands the terrible dimensions of the
trap into which the US has blundered, thanks to the Israelis and their
neo-con supporters in Washington who lobbied so vociferously for the 2003
invasion of Iraq, against all friendly and expert advice, and who even now
beat the drums of war against Iran. Would Putin be wrong to conclude that
the US will never leave the region unless it is first defeated militarily?
Should we blame him for deciding that Iran is “one bridge too far”?

If the US and Israel overreach, and the Iranians close the net with Russian
anti-ship missiles, it will be a fearful symmetry, indeed…

Springing the Trap

At the battle of Cannae in 216 BC the great Carthaginian general, Hannibal,
tempted a much larger Roman army into a fateful advance, and then enveloped
and annihilated it with a smaller force. Out of a Roman army of 70,000 men,
no more than a few thousand escaped. It was said that after many hours of
dispatching the Romans Hannibal’s soldiers grew so tired that the fight went
out of them. In their weariness they granted the last broken and bedraggled
Romans their lives…

Let us pray that the US sailors who are unlucky enough to be on duty in the
Persian Gulf when the shooting starts can escape the fate of the Roman army
at Cannae. The odds will be heavily against them, however, because they will
face the same type of danger, tantamount to envelopment. The US ships in the
Gulf will already have come within range of the Sunburn missiles and the
even more-advanced SS-NX-26 Yakhonts missiles, also Russian-made (speed:
Mach 2.9; range: 180 miles) deployed by the Iranians along the Gulf’s
northern shore. Every US ship will be exposed and vulnerable. When the
Iranians spring the trap, the entire lake will become a killing field.

Anti-ship cruise missiles are not new, as I’ve mentioned. Nor have they yet
determined the outcome in a conflict. But this is probably only because
these horrible weapons have never been deployed in sufficient numbers. At
the time of the Falklands war the Argentine air force possessed only five
Exocets, yet managed to sink two ships. With enough of them, the
Argentineans might have sunk the entire British fleet, and won the war.
Although we’ve never seen a massed attack of cruise missiles, this is
exactly what the US Navy could face in the next war in the Gulf. Try and
imagine it if you can: barrage after barrage of Exocet-class missiles, which
the Iranians are known to possess in the hundreds, as well as the
unstoppable Sunburn and Yakhonts missiles. The questions that our purblind
government leaders should be asking themselves, today, if they value what
historians will one day write about them, are two: how many of the Russian
anti-ship missiles has Putin already supplied to Iran? And: How many more
are currently in the pipeline? In 2001 Jane’s Defense Weekly reported that
Iran was attempting to acquire anti-ship missiles from Russia. Ominously,
the same report also mentioned that the more advanced Yakhonts missile was
“optimized for attacks against carrier task forces.” Apparently its guidance
system is “able to distinguish an aircraft carrier from its escorts.” The
numbers were not disclosed…

The US Navy will come under fire even if the US does not participate in the
first so-called surgical raids on Iran’s nuclear sites, that is, even if
Israel goes it alone. Israel’s brand-new fleet of 25 F-15s (paid for by
American taxpayers) has sufficient range to target Iran, but the Israelis
cannot mount an attack without crossing US-occupied Iraqi air space. It will
hardly matter if Washington gives the green light, or is dragged into the
conflict by a recalcitrant Israel. Either way, the result will be the same.
The Iranians will interpret US acquiescence as complicity, and, in any
event, they will understand that the real fight is with the Americans. The
Iranians will be entirely within their rights to counter-attack in
self-defense. Most of the world will see it this way, and will support them,
not America. The US and Israel will be viewed as the aggressors, even as the
unfortunate US sailors in harm’s way become cannon fodder. In the Gulf’s
shallow and confined waters evasive maneuvers will be difficult, at best,
and escape impossible. Even if US planes control of the skies over the
battlefield, the sailors caught in the net below will be hard-pressed to
survive. The Gulf will run red with American blood…

From here, it only gets worse. Armed with their Russian-supplied cruise
missiles, the Iranians will close the lake’s only outlet, the strategic
Strait of Hormuz, cutting off the trapped and dying Americans from help and
rescue. The US fleet massing in the Indian Ocean will stand by helplessly,
unable to enter the Gulf to assist the survivors or bring logistical support
to the other US forces on duty in Iraq. Couple this with a major new ground
offensive by the Iraqi insurgents, and, quite suddenly, the tables could
turn against the Americans in Baghdad. As supplies and ammunition begin to
run out, the status of US forces in the region will become precarious. The
occupiers will become the besieged…

With enough anti-ship missiles, the Iranians can halt tanker traffic through
Hormuz for weeks, even months. With the flow of oil from the Gulf curtailed,
the price of a barrel of crude will skyrocket on the world market. Within
days the global economy will begin to grind to a halt. Tempers at an
emergency round-the-clock session of the UN Security Council will flare and
likely explode into shouting and recriminations as French, German, Chinese
and even British ambassadors angrily accuse the US of allowing Israel to
threaten world order. But, as always, because of the US veto the world body
will be powerless to act...

America will stand alone, completely isolated. Yet, despite the increasingly
hostile international mood, elements of the US media will spin the crisis
very differently here at home, in a way that is sympathetic to Israel.
Members of Congress will rise to speak in the House and Senate, and rally to
Israel’s defense, while blaming the victim of the attack, Iran.
Fundamentalist Christian talk show hosts will proclaim the historic
fulfillment of biblical prophecy in our time, and will call upon the Jews of
Israel to accept Jesus into their hearts; meanwhile, urging the president to
nuke the evil empire of Islam. From across America will be heard histrionic
cries for fresh reinforcements, even a military draft. Patriots will demand
victory at any cost. Pundits will scream for an escalation of the conflict.

A war that ostensibly began as an attempt to prevent the spread of nuclear
weapons will teeter on the brink of their use…

Conclusion

Friends, we must work together to prevent such a catastrophe. We must stop
the next Middle East war before it starts. The US government must turn over
to the United Nations the primary responsibility for resolving the deepening
crisis in Iraq, and, immediately thereafter, withdraw US forces from the
country. We must also prevail upon the Israelis to sign the Nonproliferation
Treaty (NPT) and open all of their nuclear sites to IAEA inspectors. Only
then can serious talks begin with Iran and other states to establish a
nuclear weapon free zone (NWFZ) in the Mid East –– so essential to the
region’s long-term peace and security.    10/26/04 "ICH"

* Mark Gaffney’s first book, Dimona the Third Temple? (1989), was a
pioneering study of Israel’s nuclear weapons program.  He has since
published numerous important articles about the Mid-East with emphasis on
nuclear proliferation issues.   [EMAIL PROTECTED]

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