-Caveat Lector- www.ctrl.org DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis- directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector. ======================================================================== Archives Available at:

http://www.mail-archive.com/ctrl@listserv.aol.com/ <A HREF="">ctrl</A> ======================================================================== To subscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email: SUBSCRIBE CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]

To UNsubscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email: SIGNOFF CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Om

--- Begin Message ---
-Caveat Lector-

The Nation
November 18, 2004

Letter From Ground Zero

by JONATHAN SCHELL

[from the December 6, 2004 issue]

For some time now, American political discussion has
seemed to revolve around little stock phrases, such as
"defining moment" (at the time of the first Gulf War),
"the end of history" (at the end of the cold war), "the
economy, stupid" (in the early Clinton years), "shock
and awe" (as the second Gulf War began). Sometimes
there's a revival of one or another. One of these is
"winning hearts and minds." It became popular during
the Vietnam War and is enjoying a vogue in the context
of the war in Iraq.

However, the phrase has undergone an interesting
evolution. This is reflected in two recent columns, one
by Jim Hoagland in the Washington Post, the other by
Mark Bowden in the Los Angeles Times. You might suppose
that any reflection on hearts and minds would revolve
around the elections that are planned for January in
Iraq. How, someone might ask, can the United States,
now hugely disliked in Iraq, make itself so appealing
that Iraqis would vote for a government cut to our
specifications? Yet the principal occasion for the two
writers' reflections is instead the military campaign--
specifically, the Marines' assault on Falluja.

Back in the days of Vietnam, the phrase acquired a
definite meaning: In a war of pacification, winning
battles was not enough; you also had to win the
population's hearts and minds. If you did not, each
victory in battle would only be the prelude to further
battles, and at the end, when you left, all your work
would be washed away by the contrary will of the local
people, as happened in Vietnam. It was possible to rule
by the sword, as empires have done through the ages,
but then you had to be ready to occupy the country
indefinitely. Winning hearts and minds, therefore, was
not a frill of policy but its foundation, the sine qua
non of victory.

In his discussion of the invasion of Falluja, Hoagland
begins with a seeming acknowledgment of the Vietnam
lesson. He recognizes that the measurements of success
cannot merely be the "numbers of insurgents killed or
captured, or bomb factories seized or obliterated." For
"as Americans learned to their grief in Vietnam," such
measurements are "elusive and illusory." We expect to
hear at this point that winning hearts and minds is
necessary, and Hoagland does not disappoint. But he
introduces a variant of the old phrase. Falluja, he
says "is part of a battle for minds rather than 'hearts
and minds.'" (The title of the article is "Fighting for
Minds in Fallujah.") What can he mean? What happened to
hearts? The answer is that the "immediate objective is
to dissuade Sunni townspeople from joining, supporting
or tolerating the insurrection," and "the price they
will pay for doing so is being illustrated graphically
in the streets of Fallujah." This isn't a lesson for
the heart--the organ of love, enthusiasm, positive
approval. The reaction of the heart--whether Iraqi or
American--could only be pity, disgust and indignation.
Thus, only the "minds" of "the townspeople" could draw
the necessary conclusions, as they survey the corpse-
strewn wreckage of their city. In short, the people of
Iraq will be stricken with fear, or, to use another
word that's very popular these days, terror. Then
they'll be ready to vote.

Bowden takes up the same theme. "Guerrilla war is
always about hearts and minds," he notes. He
acknowledges that most of the guerrillas would have
escaped in the long buildup to the attack. Still, he
argues, the attack was important. True, it will not
influence the "boldest" souls, who are motivated by
"nationalism, religion, kinship or ideology." (All
these things were applauded in the recent American
election, but they apparently are to have no place in
the life of Iraqis.) But "ordinary people" can still be
won over. How? He arrives at the same conclusion as
Hoagland. "I suspect fear has more to do with
influencing them than anything else." Most Iraqis,
"like sensible people everywhere, are looking to see
which side is most likely to prevail." The stake for
them is "survival"--depending on which side is more
likely to kill them. Bowden wants it to be the United
States. The payoff is not any concrete achievement of
the attack; it is the spectacle of the subjugated city,
which "works as a demonstration of will and power."

Certainly, the assault on Falluja has given the Iraqi
people a lot to look at, and a lot to think about. Some
200,000 people--the great majority of Falluja's
population of some 300,000--were driven out of their
city by news of the imminent attack and the US
bombardment. No agency of government, US or Iraqi,
which turned off the city's water and electricity in
preparation for the assault, offered assistance. Nor
did the United Nations Refugee Agency or any other
representative of the international community appear.
And where are the people now? And what stories are the
expelled 200,000 telling the millions of Iraqis among
whom they are now mixing? We don't know. No one seems
to be interested.

When the attack came, the first target was Falluja
General Hospital. The New York Times explained why:
"The offensive also shut down what officers said was a
propaganda weapon for the militants: Falluja General
Hospital, with its stream of reports of civilian
casualties." If there were no hospital, there would be
no visible casualties; if there were no visible
casualties, there would be no international outrage,
and all would be well. What of those civilians who
remained? No men of military age were permitted to
leave during the attack. Remaining civilians were
trapped in their apartments with no electricity or
water. No one knows how many of them have been killed,
and no official group has any plans to find out. The
city itself is a ruin. "A drive through the city
revealed a picture of utter destruction," the
Independent of Britain reports, "with concrete houses
flattened, mosques in ruins, telegraph poles down,
power and phone lines hanging slack and rubble and
human remains littering the empty streets."

Both columnists do mention the elections. Bowden says
the best hope for Iraq is "for elections to take
place," and Hoagland believes the attack on Falluja
will "clear the way" for them. Ballot boxes are to
spring up in the tracks of the tanks. Some commentators
even refer to "the Sunni heartland." (As far as I can
tell, no one has yet asked how Iraqi "security moms"
will vote.) Meanwhile, the insurgency, failing so far
to learn its lesson, has opened fronts in other cities,
which may soon get the same treatment as Falluja. "They
made a wasteland and called it peace," Tacitus famously
said. It was left to the United States, champion of
freedom, to update the formula: They made a wasteland
and called it democracy.

http://thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20041206&s=schell

_______________________________________________________

portside (the left side in nautical parlance) is a news,
discussion and debate service of the Committees of
Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism. It aims to
provide varied material of interest to people on the
left.

For answers to frequently asked questions:
<http://www.portside.org/faq>

To subscribe, unsubscribe or change settings:
<http://lists.portside.org/mailman/listinfo/portside>

To submit material, paste into an email and send to:
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]> (postings are moderated)

For assistance with your account:
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>

To search the portside archive:
<http://people-link5.inch.com/pipermail/portside/>

www.ctrl.org
DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic
screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please!   These are
sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis-
directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with
major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought.
That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and
always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no
credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply.

Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
========================================================================
Archives Available at:

http://www.mail-archive.com/ctrl@listserv.aol.com/
<A HREF="http://www.mail-archive.com/ctrl@listserv.aol.com/";>ctrl</A>
========================================================================
To subscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SUBSCRIBE CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]

To UNsubscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SIGNOFF CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Om

--- End Message ---

Reply via email to