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From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: June 27, 2007 9:45:59 PM PDT
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: "Family Jewels," Only Deserving of a Good KICK

http://www.foia.cia.gov/browse_docs.asp?

The most interesting thing about the CIA's release of the "once secret" so-called "Family Jewels," available for viewing at the website above, is that anyone thoroughly grounded in Conspiracy Theory knew everything already -- there's absolutely no surprises here (among the items presented as most "provocative") and the release of these documents serves only to CONFIRM, from the horse's mouth, what was known all along, sometimes in greater detail because the facts had to be assembled from a wide variety of other sources.

The only thing that could be called "new" here is the CIA's inclusion of items that strike one immediately as DIS-information. Items too pointedly partisan --too custom-tailored for use by the rightwing media-- NOT to be Trojan horses, borrowing an air of authenticity from recognized thorough-breds ALSO running in this stampede-for-show managed by the CIA. In the trade, Churchill's "bodyguard of lies" is a counter-intelligence principle more effectively applied in reverse -- a useful lie is best smuggled in surrounded by non-debatable facts, which, through numbers alone, psychologically lend it "credibility."

Hidden among the bona fide items that elicit jaded nods from the conspiracy-savvy cognoscenti are a few assertions that are startling (UNLESS one is predisposed, by rightwing political bias, to immediately and uncritically embracing them) -- for example, that Robert F Kennedy personally oversaw the assassination plots against Fidel Castro and personally enlisted the Mafia (whom he had otherwise prosecuted with a vengeance since the '50s) to carry out "hits." Anyone who knows more than a little about the history of RFK's prosecutorial crusade, in the peculiar company of rabid far- rightists such as Richard Nixon and Roy Cohn, could compose a reasonable argument against that claim, indicating how unlikely this would be -- and such a claim contradicts all the evidence otherwise available indicating that NIXON held that honor. (The same Nixon, by the way, who loathed the Kennedies and regarded RFK as an enemy -- who would be, one must assume, if this were true, vulnerable to blackmail beyond J. Edgar Hoover's dreams.)

The main purpose of releasing the "Family Jewels" NOW appears to be for their use as ammunition in rewriting history, retroactively blaming the Democrats --the Kennedies, especially-- for the abuses of the National Security State, in much the same way as the Republicans keep blaming 9-11 on Bill Clinton (an example being Rudy Giuliani, today, accusing Clinton of not taking the FIRST WTC bombing seriously -- never mind the well-documented fact that Giuliani himself never said ONE WORD about that until 2001.)

Listen to Robert F. Kennedy Jr,, giving his assessment of the "Family Jewels," on Hardball, MS-NBC:

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/19415790/
MATTHEWS: Bob Baer, before I go to the evidence we have so far, I want to ask you, how important is this disclosure? Are we going to find out our history of dirty work, of killing people, trying to kill people, overthrowing governments?

BOB BAER, FORMER CIA OFFICER: Oh, I think it‘s all going to come out. We suspected this for a long time, and enough of it has leaked out in the press. I‘d like to say that it‘s a good idea to get this stuff out, to know the worst, in order to get the CIA back on track, to make it quit doing the same things.

MATTHEWS: I know that Nixon tried desperately to find out what his predecessor and rival, Jack Kennedy, had done and Bobby had done with regard to knocking off Castro, with regard to withdrawing air cover from the Cuban exiles in the Bay of Pigs.

Let‘s go through a couple of things we know already. In 1975, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger told President Ford, quote, “Helms” [he was head of the CIA] said all these stories are just the tip of the iceberg. If they come out, blood will flow. For example, [Kissinger says] Robert Kennedy personally managed the operation on the assassination of Castro.”

Here‘s Jim (SIC) Colby. He told President Ford back in the ‘70s, quote, “We did have a New York and Los Angeles program in the ‘50s of opening up first-class airmail from the USSR. For example, we have four letters to Jane Fonda. That is illegal, and we stopped it in 1973. In San Francisco, we had one with respect to China to find out who the contacts were. Some letters were opened.”

Finally, Jim Colby, the CIA director said...

BLANTON:  Bill.

MATTHEWS: Bill Colby said to the president, quote, “We have run operations to assassinate foreign leaders. We have never succeeded.” He cited Castro, Trujillo of the Dominican Republic, General Sneider of Chile, et cetera.

“There‘s another skeleton, a defector we suspected of being a double agent we kept confined for three years.”

Let me go through them all. Tom Blanton, is it generally the scuttlebutt at the CIA that we tried to knock off Castro many times?

BLANTON: Oh, absolutely. And actually, there‘s a whole report by the CIA inspector general that reads like a movie script, all the different scenes. You know, the day that John F. Kennedy was assassinated, a CIA agent was in Paris, giving a poison pen to one of his assets.

MATTHEWS:  (INAUDIBLE) Fitzgerald.

BLANTON: No, it wasn‘t (INAUDIBLE) Fitzgerald, it was at [Fitzgerald's] orders... On that very day, a French journalist was in Havana meeting with Fidel Castro with a different message for Fidel, which was, We want to get talking. These are the two tracks of American policy. What we‘re about to get next week is the dirty track.

MATTHEWS: Let me ask you about Trujillo, Tyler. I heard that—at the time, I thought there was a crazy message at the last minute from Kennedy not to kill the guy, but the assassins went ahead and did it.

DRUMHELLER: That‘s the story. We‘ll find out next week when this comes out or when this comes out—the real challenge for the historians, for historians on this, because all this was in—Bob‘s right, it‘s good this comes out. It comes out for the sake of the agency. But it‘s a challenge for historians to put it into the right context at the time. These guys—this is the legacy of the OSS. These are guys who thought they were fighting for the existence of the country, and that‘s...

MATTHEWS: Was assassination part of the toolkit of the OSS during World War II? Of course, it must have been. But it‘s all right to kill Nazis, right? And that carried over.

DRUMHELLER: Yes, and it was—they saw this as part of the war, of going forward in the war. Now, whatever comes out in it—my fear is that it‘s going to hurt—it‘ll hurt morale inside the agency a little bit because people—not so much the things they say they did, but if there are things in here that they tried that didn‘t work out.

MATTHEWS: Bob, how is it going to help our relations with Iran, which are already dreadful, if we disclose publicly that we, in fact, overthrew their elected government back in the early ‘50s and put a monarchy in charge, the shah, that we did that and we‘re going to admit to that?

BAER: You know, Chris, it‘s not going to help in the short term, but in the long term, at least we can open our archives, which the Iranians won‘t and never will.

MATTHEWS: So you think the bloodletting that‘s necessary apart of this sort of truth and reconciliation effort is, on the whole, a good thing? Even if it means admitting that we may have knocked off Trujillo, tried to knock off Castro, changed the government in Guatemala, changed the government in Iran, and we did it all, and we‘re now admitting it all, you think altogether, we‘re better off?

BAER: Absolutely, because what it demonstrates is that covert action doesn‘t work and the CIA should not be involved in it. It just hurts us diplomatically, hurts the morale of the country and the CIA. And we get this out, and I hope it doesn‘t happen again.

MATTHEWS: Tom, why do we keep—I know it sounds bloodthirsty. I know nothing about assassinations as an operative. I‘m not one.

BLANTON:  Good thing!

(LAUGHTER)

MATTHEWS: Thank you. I just watched this in history. But here we are with the most powerful government in the world, our own. Are we just not ruthless enough? I mean, all those times you hear about Castro, we tried to use, like, defoliant in his beer, we tried to put LSD in his recording studio, all the—his pen had...

BLANTON:  There were a little more serious actions.

MATTHEWS: ... but all these crazy efforts, and they all failed. This guy‘s been in office since the ‘50s.

BLANTON: We did a few more serious things, like hiring the Mafia to go down there on an implicit deal. They thought they‘d get off on federal charges in the U.S. if they bumped him off.

MATTHEWS:  Like (INAUDIBLE)

BLANTON:  Yes, absolutely, all these guys.

MATTHEWS:  Johnny Roselli.

BLANTON:  Absolutely.  You know the stories.

MATTHEWS: Well, I know it. I know this stuff. But I‘m just trying to get it from the horse‘s mouth now.

BLANTON: But you know, they have this little map down in Cuba in one of those museums that has sort of examples of all the times they almost nailed Castro. And the one they point to as the closest that we ever came to knocking him off is an ice cream stand in the lobby of the Ministry of the Interior museum, where they said the poison pill had been delivered. Fidel walks through the lobby every day and gets an ice cream cone. They stashed it in the little ice cream cart, but it stuck to the freezer coil. And so Castro comes in, orders his ice cream cone, and the vendor‘s down there trying but he can‘t get it off. They arrest him and haul him off.

MATTHEWS: Sometimes I think somebody‘s on the side of Castro because he has gotten through—a bad guy has gotten through a lot of bad stuff.

BLANTON: Your big question was, Are we wimps? You know, Are we tough enough in the world?

MATTHEWS:  No, no!

BLANTON:  No?

MATTHEWS:  I‘m trying to open this up because you‘re the experts.

BLANTON: But look at this—this stuff, the skeletons in the closet, is what Colby called it—you know, what it feels like is there‘s a black bag of dirty tricks, and any time we as a country really feel threatened—we felt really threatened in the 50s and ‘60s—we feel real threatened today.

MATTHEWS:  Well, we should have felt...

(CROSSTALK)

BLANTON:  We have a tendency to go back in there and...

(CROSSTALK)

MATTHEWS:  ... put missiles in his country to blow us up!  I mean...

BLANTON:  And the Soviets hauled them out without telling him.

MATTHEWS:  OK, let‘s go...

(CROSSTALK)

BLANTON:  ... high and dry.

MATTHEWS: ... my liberal friends on the left will want to know the answers.

(CROSSTALK)

MATTHEWS: Well, everybody I seemed to hang around with in Washington sometimes in the old days. Democrats—how about that? They all think that we knocked of Allende, that in fact, we killed Allende down in Chile. Is that true?

BLANTON: We set up the conditions for the coup, and I think that that‘s well documented because...

MATTHEWS:  But did we kill Allende, or did he kill himself?

BLANTON:  ... of Clinton‘s declassification...

MATTHEWS: The elected socialist president of Chile back in the ‘70s, did we kill him or did he kill himself?

BLANTON:  We don‘t know...

MATTHEWS:  The story we put out was that he killed himself.

BLANTON: He may have killed himself, but he killed himself with people closing in on him with machine guns and tanks blowing up his palace. And you know, he knew he was going to die.

MATTHEWS:  Bob Baer, do you know?

BAER:  Henry Kissinger.  There‘s the answer.

MATTHEWS:  Henry Kissinger killed Allende.

BAER: He set up the conditions. He went to the Army, said, Let‘s do it.

MATTHEWS:  Well, we know we led the coup, but did we kill him?

BAER:  No, he killed himself.

MATTHEWS: OK. He killed himself. What do you think, Tyler? What do you know?

DRUMHELLER: I think he killed himself because he didn‘t want to be captured by the...

MATTHEWS: OK, the overthrow of the elected government of Iran back in the ‘50s, did we do that?

BLANTON:  Absolutely.  But we lucked out.

MATTHEWS:  You‘re smiling here about this stuff, Tom!

(CROSSTALK)

MATTHEWS: I love the way you guys talk about this. We kill guys, we overthrow governments that are elected freely, we take people captive. And we call it the family jewels. It‘s all irony, isn‘t it, with you guys.

BLANTON: Well, no, actually. I like Colby‘s phrase for it. He called it skeletons in the closet. They keep walking out of the closet, these skeletons.

BAER: You know it‘s NOT all going to come out. When I was still in, I ordered a couple of files related to the Kennedy assassination, 20 volumes in one case. They had disappeared. So we‘re never going to ever to get to the bottom of it completely.

MATTHEWS: Whoa! Do you believe that there‘s a CIA role in the Kennedy assassination?

BAER: No, I don‘t, but there are files like that missing, and we‘ll just never get to the bottom of it. This stuff is compartmented, black tape, whatever the names are, or sometimes just thrown away.

MATTHEWS:  Is the CIA loyal to America right down the line?

BAER:  Absolutely.

MATTHEWS:  Are all the agents very patriotic?

DRUMHELLER:  Absolutely.  Yes.

BLANTON: Absolutely. They do the bidding of the president. They‘re not a rogue elephant.

MATTHEWS:  That‘s what I thought...

(CROSSTALK)

MATTHEWS: ... it‘s us doing the bad stuff, then, because they‘re doing it for us.

BLANTON:  For the president.

MATTHEWS:  For the president.  Anyway, thank you. Tyler.

DRUMHELLER:  Thank you.

MATTHEWS: You were the most tongue-tied here tonight. These guys are unbelievable. Bob Baer... You‘re all great tonight. What an amazing story. I will read every inch of this, and so will everybody else who‘s been fascinated by the CIA for all these years.

<snip>

MATTHEWS: Robert, I have to ask you about this report that is coming out from the CIA. We got word they‘re apparently going to put out all their family jewels, as they call them, all the mischief the CIA has been up with all the years.

In 1975, the secretary of state, Henry Kissinger, told President Ford quote—“Helms”—that‘s Helms, the head of CIA—“said all these stories are just the tip of the iceberg. If they come out, blood will flow. For example, Robert Kennedy personally managed the operation on the assassination of Castro.”

Do you have any thoughts on that?

KENNEDY: Well... No, that is completely inconsistent with everything that has been found.

The Church Committee investigated this for almost a year, and found out that my father not only had nothing to do with those assassination attempts, but was furious, and rebuked the CIA when he found out about it. It was inconsistent with everything else my father did while he was in office and everything that his aides said.

Richard Helms, this was—was a rogue operator who—and this is what the Church Committee found out, who had run those operations by himself.

Now, you know, the quote that you have is a quote that is very self- serving, a quote by Richard Helms, as well as a quote by Henry Kissinger.

MATTHEWS:  Yes.

KENNEDY: Richard Helms had a very, very antagonistic relationship with my father. He despised my father. My father did not trust him. And—and he was a very secretive and a very deceptive man.

And it doesn‘t surprise me that he would say something like this or that Kissinger would say something like this. But it‘s completely inconsistent with the facts, as they have been laid out by the Intelligence Committee and by the aides who watched my father function during that time. And it‘s inconsistent with everything he did during, for example, the Cuban Missile Crisis...

MATTHEWS:  OK.

KENNEDY: ... his concern, his deep concern, that we should be a moral nation, that we shouldn‘t do anything that would compromise our moral authority in the eyes of the world.

MATTHEWS: So, he wasn‘t involved with either Mongoose or AMLASH, either of those operations?

KENNEDY:  He found out about them afterwards.

And the way he found out, you know, his aides were present, like John Seigenthaler and Dick Goodwin, at the time when he walked out of a meeting with two CIA agents who disclosed that they had tried to kill Castro using a cigar with a bomb in it. And he was absolutely furious, and regarded them as kind of crackpots. And he was very, very angry that they had used the mob, which, of course, he had a history of antagonism with, in order to further their operations. He was furious at Helms.

And it doesn‘t surprise me that, after he died, Helms would then try to connect him to muddy the water. But, you know, the evidence is this, that Helms really took over the CIA, because he was instrumental in helping John McCone, who was the CIA director, in covering up the suicide death of his wife.

And, after that, McCone let him alone, and Helms went off as a rogue agent with Operation Mongoose and these other operations designed to murder Fidel Castro, that, when my father found out about it, that he didn‘t share the information, my father found out about it through other agents, and went after Helms.

And it doesn‘t surprise me that, after my father died that Helms or Kissinger would fabricate this kind of thing.

MATTHEWS:  OK.

KENNEDY: It‘s inconsistent with everything the Intelligence Committee found, who investigated it thoroughly.

MATTHEWS: Melanie, what‘s your reaction to the news that the CIA is going to come out with its family jewels, admitting a role in overthrowing the elected government in Iran, the overthrow of the elected government in Chile, trying to knock off Castro, knocking off Trujillo, the whole thing with Arbenz down in Guatemala?

The whole history of the CIA and those activities are apparently going to be now admitted to. What do you make of that, in terms of our history and our values?

MORGAN: Well, what I have to say is, I‘m extremely disappointed that this information is coming out right now, in the middle of a hot war, when we have American men and women who are serving in harm‘s way in Iraq and Afghanistan.

I understand the need for disclosure, and I‘m totally in favor of that, the more sunlight the better. But I question the timing. The time looks suspiciously political to me. And I think this is one of the biggest things that the Bush administration...

MATTHEWS:  Why would the CIA want to...

MORGAN:  I think this is one of the biggest...

MATTHEWS:  Why would the CIA want to mess with the war effort?

MORGAN:  I‘m not saying that they want to mess with the war effort.

What I‘m saying is, I think there has been a concerted effort -- a deep-seated conflict between the CIA and George Bush in the war on terror. And I think that there is a lot of political motivation there. And—and I‘m sorry to see it happening right now.

MATTHEWS: By the way, I agree with you on that. I do think there is an amazing, amazing intramural fight, a civil war almost, between the CIA and the vice president‘s office and the president‘s office.

Anyway, thank you, Melanie Morgan.

Thank you, Robert F. Kennedy Jr.





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