-Caveat Lector-


Begin forwarded message:

From: "muckblit" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: July 6, 2007 6:10:02 AM PDT
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [cia-drugs] Magic Madrid Bull-et Train terrorizes Karachi streets
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Pak Heroin Junta threatens to extend rule by means Rev Pat Robertson
has baptized for those who are higher, tighter, and righter than the
people or their silly constitution and bill of rights.

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2007%5C05%5C20% 5Cstory_20-5-2007_pg3_1

Sunday, May 20, 2007

Editorial: An "extra-constitutional" threat?

With a petition against his constitutional status pending at the
Supreme Court, President General Pervez Musharraf says he may
"consider extra-constitutional methods to enhance his term after the
forthcoming general elections". This is the first blatant statement
made by him since he took power and promised not to act like a "chief
martial law administrator". He was talking about his re-election by
the electoral college in October-November before the next general
elections. Why did he refer to the need for taking
"extra-constitutional" methods?

President Musharraf says he will make the decision about taking off
his uniform after December 2007, presumably after being elected for
another five-year term as president while he is still wearing his
uniform. He is not promising to take it off; and he is threatening
"extra-constitutional" methods. He considered the possibility of the
new parliament approving his double-identity bid by a two-thirds
majority, meaning that the constitution could be amended to make him
president plus army chief as in the 17th amendment the last time
round. There is an earnest hope here of somehow getting his supporters
a two-thirds majority in the next parliament after a rather prolonged
period in the country's history where it is difficult without "a
little bit of help" even to get a good simple majority.

His open allusion to getting himself another tenure through methods
not mentioned in the Constitution may have come after sensing the
change of mood at the level of the Supreme Court. As long as he
thought the judiciary was pliant he insisted on doing everything
within the ambit of the Constitution. Now the situation is completely
different. So we can confirm the speculation that the firing of the
chief justice of Pakistan may not have been owing to any other reason
but the firm realisation that the apex court may not give the kind of
support he had so far enjoyed. One can probably go on from here to try
to grasp the drift of events after the dismissal of the chief justice.

Obviously President Musharraf thought that once the judge was fired he
would stay fired. The awkward method of his ouster was forced by a
lacuna in the Constitution since it did not clearly envisage a
reference against the chief justice, the executing authority of the
reference. Reliance was placed on the possibility that there would be
a minor public shock at the manner of dismissal, after which it would
be business as usual. After all, hadn't all the street challenges
thrown by the opposition fizzled out because the people did not think
it worth their while to respond?

The chief justice was acting uppity and reacted to his dismissal
according to his character. The whole action was so blatant that
dormant popular reactions suddenly crystallised and became a movement
that many analysts thought would never happen. The judiciary has
always been sensitive to popular reactions. After handling political
issues as constitutional quarrels the judiciary was bound to develop
this reflex. After a few weeks of agitation all over Pakistan it now
appears quite obvious that the Supreme Court bench hearing a
constitutional petition pertaining to the dual office of the president
might conceivably deliver a verdict not to the liking of the president.

Hence President Musharraf's resolve to use "extra-constitutional"
methods. But who is the purported recipient of this message? One is
forced to assert that it is no one else but the Supreme Court itself.
In the past, repeatedly upon the advice of certain "magician"
advisers, the military rulers were able to force the judiciary to
accept an extra-constitutional rule under the "doctrine of necessity".
Pakistan's constitutional history echoes again and again to the phrase
till it has become a joke, but the truth is that the judiciary, when
faced with brute power, helplessly tries to hold on to some authority
of legal review. To put it without periphrasis, it is the obiter dicta
of the court while hearing the case challenging the reference which
has caused the president to fire his "warning shot across the bow".
But this threat will deepen the crisis instead of resolving it. It is
too late to start threatening anyone. The threat of using force only
works when one is strong. When power is slipping away, it has the
opposite effect. *

Second Editorial: Saud Memon's needless `disappearance'

An old Al Qaeda agent Saud Memon has died after being held incognito
by "the agencies" for four years. By the time he reached the hospital
his internal organs were hardly working. People know from the press
that American journalist Daniel Pearl's beheaded corpse was found in a
property owned by Memon. He had run away after the grisly murder but
was caught by the Americans and kept at Guantanamo. After he was
released by the Americans, most probably because his state was already
terminal, he was pounced upon by our boys. His arrest should have been
announced. The whole exercise has been unnecessary.

Saud Memon was a part of the Karachi underworld whose largesse was
accepted by the Banuri Town seminary to firm up the Al Rasheed trust
fronting for Al Qaeda. He was the trafficker who specialised not only
in fake papers but in the export of clandestine workers to Riyadh. He
exported young boys selected in Karachi and Dhaka to work as jockeys
in camel races on the beaches of Dubai. And he handled the logistics
of Al Qaeda combatants through the Oman Straits, to the Emirates,
Yemen and other Middle East countries. This man was the real target of
the operation of 2002, not Ramzi bin al-Shibh. It was Memon who got
together with Khalid Sheikh Muhammad and Umar Sheikh to capture Daniel
Pearl, torture him to extract confessions, and then behead him.
Pakistan probably "got" him back to see who else was involved in the
whole conspiracy since at that time a number of functionaries of the
state could have been the "handlers" behind the scenes. Another
conjecture is that he was too dangerous because of his contacts within
the state to be let out in the open where he could start telling the
whole story. *



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OM

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