-Caveat Lector-


Begin forwarded message:

From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: July 27, 2007 8:56:32 PM PDT
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: Why Bush Is Protecting Gonzales No Matter What

What Was the Original Surveillance Program?

By Ryan Singel July 27, 2007 | 7:53:02 PM
http://blog.wired.com/27bstroke6/2007/07/what-was-the-or.html
The key question in the growing fracas over Attorney General Alberto Gonzales role and testimony about the Intensive Care Showdown isn't whether Gonzales committed perjury or misled Congress in his linguistic dividing up of the warrantless surveillance into two programs, one pre-showdown and one post- showdown.

For those who don't know, Gonzales uses the term "Terrorist Surveillance Program" to refer to an admitted eavesdropping program the Administration says targets Americans' phone and email conversations that cross that border and involve one person suspected of links to terrorism.

Gonzales tried to defuse a press report that internal critics had balked at the warrantless spy program by referring only to this program, which was what was left of a larger program after changes were made following the Intensive Care Showdown.

The real question is: what was this program doing when the entire upper echelon at the Justice Department and FBI Director Robert Mueller were prepared to resign over it?

All the clues and prior reporting point to a widespread data mining program that seems to have involved:

real-time computer analysis of the content of phone and internet traffic massive data-mining of the domestic and overseas phone records of nearly every American NSA operators listening in, without warrants, to purely domestic phone calls, using the data-mining and computer sifting to figure out which calls seem suspicious a continual stream of mostly useless leads being fed to FBI counter- terrorism agents Some combination of these were probably enough to make civil liberties advocates out of then-Attorney General John Ashcroft, FBI Director Robert Mueller and a small cadre of Republican Justice Department lawyers. Marty Lederman has a guess too [see below].

Certainly a few people in Washington know what surveillance architecture was being built and how effective it was. That group may include Democrats Jay Rockefeller, Jane Harman, Nancy Pelosi and Tom Daschle. Perhaps Congress should call them to testify as well.

--------------

http://balkin.blogspot.com/2007/05/what-was-program-before- goldsmith-and.html

What Was "The Program" Before Goldsmith and Comey?


Marty Lederman


"We're doing what?"

That's a quotation from the original Risen & Lichtblau New York Times article that broke the unlawful wiretapping story., attributed to "a senior government official [who] recalled that he was taken aback when he first learned of the operation."

What, indeed, was the nature of the "program" before Goldsmith, Comey and Ashcroft -- those notorious civil libertarian extremists -- called a halt to it, and threatened to resign if the President continued to break the law? And what was the nature and breadth of its legal justification?

I am hardly alone in realizing that these are the most important questions arising from the recent Comey testimony. It's the question of the night, all over the Web. (When will the mainstream press catch on? And more importantly, as I asked in my last post -- When will the Congress insist on comprehensive and public hearings, both on this and on the legal support for the Administration's torture practices?)

Was it a full-bore data-mining program of some sort, akin to the TIA program that Congress had de-funded? (John Yoo suggests as much in his new book.) Something involving the FBI as well as the NSA (hence the central role of the FBI Director in the Comey narrative)? A program in which once a U.S. person was suspected of receiving a call from a suspected Al Qaeda individual, that U.S. person's calls were all monitored thereafter? These are among the theories receiving a good deal of speculation this evening.

There's a lot of great stuff to read -- this is just the tip of the iceberg:

Glenn Greenwald.

Laura Rozen.

Orin Kerr.

Hilzoy.

Shayana Kadidal.

Paul Kiel, doing so much fine work over at the now-indispensible TPM Muckraker, including the publication of one reader's speculation.


Trust the Washington press corps to lunge for the process story, and ignore the substance. When the warrantless wiretap surveillance program came up for review in March of 2004, it had been running for two and a half years. We still don't know precisely what form the program took in that period, although some details have been leaked. But we now know, courtesy of Comey, that the program was so odious, so thoroughly at odds with any conception of constitutional liberties, that not a single senior official in the Bush administration's own Department of Justice was willing to sign off on it. In fact, Comey reveals, the entire top echelon of the Justice Department was prepared to resign rather than see the program reauthorized, even if its approval wasn't required. They just didn't want to be part of an administration that was running such a program. This wasn't an emergency program; more than two years had elapsed, ample time to correct any initial deficiencies. It wasn’t a last minute crisis; Ashcroft and Comey had both been saying, for weeks, that they would withhold approval. But at the eleventh hour, the President made one final push, dispatching his most senior aides to try to secure approval for a continuation of the program, unaltered.
Continued:

I think it’s safe to assume that whatever they were fighting over, it was a matter of substance. When John Ashcroft is prepared to resign, and risk bringing down a Republican administration in the process, he’s not doing it for kicks. Similarly, when the President sends his aides to coerce a signature out of a desperately ill man, and only backs down when the senior leadership of a cabinet department threatens to depart en masse, he’s not just being stubborn. It’s time that the Democrats in Congress blew the lid off of the NSA’s surveillance program. Whatever form it took for those years was blatantly illegal; so egregious that by 2004, not even the administration’s most partisan members could stomach it any longer. We have a right to know what went on then. We publicize the rules under which the government can obtain physical search warrants, and don’t consider revealing those rules to endanger security; there’s no reason we can’t do the same for electronic searches. The late-night drama makes for an interesting news story, but it’s really beside the point. The punchline here is that the President of the United States engaged in a prolonged and willful effort to violate the law, until senior members of his own administration forced him to stop. That’s the Congressional investigation that we ought to be having.


Anonymous Liberal.

In that last post, A.L. wisely goes back to the Risen & Lichtblau story that started it all, which contains some important potential clues. Important excerpts from that December 2005 article:

Several senior government officials say that when the special operation began, there were few controls on it and little formal oversight outside the N.S.A. The agency can choose its eavesdropping targets and does not have to seek approval from Justice Department or other Bush administration officials. Some agency officials wanted nothing to do with the program, apparently fearful of participating in an illegal operation, a former senior Bush administration official said. Before the 2004 election, the official said, some N.S.A. personnel worried that the program might come under scrutiny by Congressional or criminal investigators if Senator John Kerry, the Democratic nominee, was elected president.

In mid-2004, concerns about the program expressed by national security officials, government lawyers and a judge prompted the Bush administration to suspend elements of the program and revamp it.

For the first time, the Justice Department audited the N.S.A. program, several officials said. And to provide more guidance, the Justice Department and the agency expanded and refined a checklist to follow in deciding whether probable cause existed to start monitoring someone's communications, several officials said.

* * * *

The C.I.A. seized the terrorists' computers, cellphones and personal phone directories, said the officials familiar with the program. The N.S.A. surveillance was intended to exploit those numbers and addresses as quickly as possible, they said. In addition to eavesdropping on those numbers and reading e-mail messages to and from the Qaeda figures, the N.S.A. began monitoring others linked to them, creating an expanding chain. As A.L. astutely notes, it is fair to assume that "there was no real guidance as to how far out to expand this 'chain.' As a result, a number of people were likely ensnared in this web who had nothing to do with al Qaeda and nothing even approaching reasonable grounds to be searched."

-------------

I think that it's fairly obvious what "the program" was before the confrontation. It was completely open wiretapping within the United States, of any person, without warrants; and, more to the point, it was the elimination of barriers which would prevent the information from being used for political purposes. I can't imagine that in 2004 the Bush Administration was really afraid of the resignation of Ashcroft et al, or of what they might say, so long as they could be painted as "soft on terror" by the people who remained in power; but if there was a chance that they would start saying things which would lead to public awareness that the intelligence and justice systems were once again being used for partisan political gain by a Republican President, that would have been a different story.

Additionally, I speculate that we will ultimately find out that it was not the President who sent Card and Gonzales to Ashcroft's ICU bed, but Karl Rove.
# posted by Peter : 7:04 PM



A couple of years back I got word that postal inspectors were complaining about a massive number of orders to hold all mail for certain people to be delivered to federal authorities. That mail was then returned to the post office a day or few later for final delivery to the subject.

Those are all the details I have. The source is trusted by me. I don't know if this was done with or without warrants. But if it wasn't, perhaps this is another piece of the warrantless surveillance program.
# posted by Jason : 8:11 PM



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