-Caveat Lector-
Begin forwarded message:
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: September 15, 2007 10:47:56 PM PDT
To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Cc: [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED], [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: The Hegelian Great Game: The U.S. Deposed the Shah and
Installed the Ayatollahs
A Century of War: Anglo-American Oil Politics & the New World Order
By William Engdahl, 1992,2004
(pgs. 171-174)
http://freedomforiranians.blogspot.com/2006/04/what-really-happened-
to-shah-of-iran.html
In November 1978, President Carter named the Bilderberg group's
George Ball, another member of the Trilateral Commission, to head a
special White House Iran task force under the National Security
Council's Brzezinski. Ball recommended that Washington drop
support for the Shah of Iran and support the fundamentalistic
Islamic opposition of Ayatollah Khomeini.
Robert Bowie from the CIA was one of the lead 'case officers' in
the new CIA-led coup against the man their covert actions had
placed into power 25 years earlier.
Their scheme was based on a detailed study of the phenomenon of
Islamic fundamentalism, as presented by British Islamic expert, Dr.
Bernard Lewis, then on assignment at Princeton University in the
United States. Lewis's scheme, which was unveiled at the May 1979
Bilderberg meeting in Austria, endorsed the radical Muslim
Brotherhood movement behind Khomeini, in order to promote
balkanization of the entire Muslim Near East along tribal and
religious lines.
Lewis argued that the West should encourage autonomous groups such
as the Kurds, Armenians, Lebanese Maronites, Ethiopian Copts,
Azerbaijani Turks, and so forth. The chaos would spread in what he
termed an 'Arc of Crisis,' which would spill over into Muslim
regions of the Soviet Union.
The coup against the Shah, like that against Mossadegh in 1953, was
run by British and American intelligence, with the bombastic
American, Brzezinski, taking public 'credit' for getting rid of the
'corrupt' Shah, while the British characteristically remained
safely in the background.
During 1978, negotiations were under way between the Shah's
government and British Petroleum for renewal of the 25-year old
extraction agreement. By October 1978, the talks had collapsed over
a British 'offer' which demanded exclusive rights to Iran's future
oil output, while refusing to guarantee purchase of the oil. With
their dependence on British-controlled export apparently at an end,
Iran appeared on the verge of independence in its oil sales policy
for the first time since 1953, with eager prospective buyers in
Germany, France, Japan and elsewhere. In its lead editorial that
September, Iran's Kayhan International stated: In retrospect, the
25-year partnership with the [British Petroleum] consortium and the
50-year relationship with British Petroleum which preceded it, have
not been satisfactory ones for Iran ? Looking to the future, NIOC
[National Iranian Oil Company] should plan to handle all operations
by itself.
London was blackmailing and putting enormous economic pressure on
the Shah's regime by refusing to buy Iranian oil production, taking
only 3 million or so barrels daily of an agreed minimum of 5
million barrels per day. This imposed dramatic revenue pressures on
Iran, which provided the context in which religious discontent
against the Shah could be fanned by trained agitators deployed by
British and U.S. intelligence. In addition, strikes among oil
workers at this critical juncture crippled Iranian oil production.
As Iran's domestic economic troubles grew, American 'security'
advisers to the Shah's Savak secret police implemented a policy of
ever more brutal repression, in a manner calculated to maximize
popular antipathy to the Shah. At the same time, the Carter
administration cynically began protesting abuses of 'human rights'
under the Shah.
British Petroleum reportedly began to organize capital flight out
of Iran, through its strong influence in Iran's financial and
banking community.
The British Broadcasting Corporation's Persian-language broadcasts,
with dozens of Persian-speaking BBC 'correspondents' sent into even
the smallest village, drummed up hysteria against the Shah. The
BBC gave Ayatollah Khomeini a full propaganda platform inside Iran
during this time. The British government-owned broadcasting
organization refused to give the Shah's government an equal chance
to reply.
Repeated personal appeals from the Shah to the BBC yielded no
result. Anglo-American intelligence was committed to toppling the
Shah. The Shah fled in January, and by February 1979, Khomeini
had been flown into Tehran to proclaim the establishment of his
repressive theocratic state to replace the Shah's government.
Reflecting on his downfall months later, shortly before his death,
the Shah noted from exile,
"I did not know it then, perhaps I did not want to know ? But it
is clear to me now that the Americans wanted me out. Clearly this
is what the human rights advocates in the State Department wanted.
What was I to make of the Administration's sudden decision to call
former Under Secretary of State George Ball to the White House as
an adviser on Iran? Ball was among those Americans who wanted to
abandon me and ultimately my country."
With the fall of the Shah and the coming to power of the fanatical
Khomeini adherents in Iran, chaos was unleashed. By May 1979, the
new Khomeini regime had singled out the country's nuclear power
development plans and announced cancellation of the entire program
for French and German nuclear reactor construction.
Iran's oil exports to the world were suddenly cut off, some 3
million barrels per day. Curiously, Saudi Arabian production in
the critical days of January 1979 was also cut by some 2 million
barrels per day. To add to the pressures on world oil supply,
British Petroleum declared force majeure and cancelled major
contracts for oil supply. Prices on the Rotterdam spot market,
heavily influenced by BP and Royal Cutch Shell as the largest oil
traders, soared in early 1979 as a result. The second oil shock
of the 1970s was fully under way.
Indications are that the actual planners of the Iranian Khomeini
coup in London and within the senior ranks of the U.S. liberal
establishment decided to keep President Carter largely ignorant of
the policy and its ultimate objectives.
The ensuing energy crisis in the United States was a major factor
in bringing about Carter's defeat a year later.
There was never a real shortage in the world supply of petroleum.
Existing Saudi and Kuwaiti production capacities could at any time
have met the 5-6 million barrels per day temporary shortfall, as a
U.S. congressional investigation by the General Accounting Office
months later confirmed.
Unusually low reserve stocks of oil held by the Seven Sisters oil
multinationals contributed to creating a devastating world oil
price shock, with prices for crude oil soaring from a level of some
$14 per barrel in 1978 towards the astronomical heights of $40 per
barrel for some grades of crude on the spot market. Long gasoline
lines across America contributed to a general sense of panic, and
Carter energy secretary and former CIA director, James R.
Schlesinger, did not help calm matters when he told Congress and
the media in February 1979 that the Iranian oil shortfall was
'prospectively more serious' than the 1973 Arab oil embargo.
The Carter administration's Trilateral Commission foreign policy
further ensured that any European effort from Germany and France to
develop more cooperative trade, economic and diplomatic relations
with their Soviet neighbor, under the umbrella detente and various
Soviet-west European energy agreements, was also thrown into disarray.
Carter's security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and secretary of
state, Cyrus Vance, implemented their 'Arc of Crisis' policy,
spreading the instability of the Iranian revolution throughout the
perimeter around the Soviet Union. Throughout the Islamic
perimeter from Pakistan to Iran, U.S. initiatives created
instability or worse."
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