-Caveat Lector-

an excerpt from:
>From Major Jordan's Diaries
George Racey Jordan©1952 All rights reserved
Western Islands
395 Concord Avenue
Belmont. Massachusetts 02178
PRINTING HISTORY
Harcourt, Brace edition published 1952
Free Enterprise edition published 1958
American Opinion edition published 1961
The Americanist Library edition published 1965
--[5]--

CHAPTER FIVE
The Black Suitcases

After my return to Great Falls I began to realize an important fact: while we
were a pipeline to Russia, Russia was also a pipeline to us.

One really disturbing fact which brought this home to me was that the entry
of Soviet personnel into the United States was completely uncontrolled.
Planes were arriving regularly from Moscow with unidentified Russians aboard.
I would see them jump off planes, hop over fences, and run for taxicabs. They
seemed to know in advance exactly where they were headed, and how to get
there. It was an ideal set-up for planting spies in this country, with false
identities, for use during and after the war.[*] [* Major General Follette
Bradley, USAF (Ret.), winner of the Distinguished Service Medal for his
pioneering of the Alsib Pipeline,. wrote to the New York Times on Aug. 31,
1951: "Of my own personal knowledge I know that beginning early in 1942
Russian civilian and military agents were in our country in huge numbers.
They were free to move about without restraint or check and, in order to
visit our arsenals, depots, factories and proving grounds, they had only to
make known their desires. Their authorized visits to military establishments
numbered in the thousands.

"I also personally know that scores of Russians were permitted to enter
American territory in 1942 without visa. I believe that over the war years
this number was augmented at least by hundreds."}

It is hard to believe, but in 1943 there was no censorship set-up at Great
Falls. An inspector more than 70 years old, named Randolph K. Hardy, did
double work for the Treasury Department in customs and immigration. His
office, in the city, was four miles from the airfield. He played the organ in
a local church, and I was often told he was practicing and could not be
interrupted. I took it on myself to provide him with telephone, typewriter,
desk, file cabinet, stenographer, interpreter and staff car.

Finally I was driven to put up a large sign over my own office door, with the
legend in Russian and English: "Customs Office—Report Here." When Mr. Hardy
was not present I got into the habit of demanding passports myself and
jotting down names and particulars. It was not my job, but the list in my
diary of Russians operating in this country began to swell by leaps and
bounds. In the end I had the 418 names mentioned earlier in this book.

Despite my private worries, my relations with Colonel Kotikov were excellent.
I was doing all that I could do to expedite Russian shipments; my directives
were clear, and I was following them out to the best of my ability.

Colonel Kotikov was well aware that a Major could do more expediting than a
Captain. I was not too surprised, therefore; to learn that Kotikov had
painstakingly dictated in English the following letter to Colonel Gitzinger:

ARMY AIR FORCES
34th Sub-Depot
United Nations Unit

Great Falls, Montana March 8, 1943.
Lt. Col. C. H. Gitzinger,
Third National Building,
Dayton, Ohio.

Dear Colonel Gitzinger:

Capt. Jordan work any day here is always with thesame people, Sub-Depot
Engineering Officer, Major Boaz; 7th Ferrying Group Base Engineering Officer,
Major Lawrence; Alaskan Wing Control and Engineering Officer, Major Taylor;
Sub-Depot Executive Officer, Major O'Neill; and Base Supply Officer, Major
Ramsey.

He is much hindered in his good work by under rank with these officers who he
asks for things all time.

I ask you to recommend him for equal rank to help Russian movement here.

A. N. KOTIKOV
Col., U.S.S.R. Representative

When my promotion finally came through, the gold oak leaves were pinned on my
shoulders by Colonel Kotikov. This occasion was photographed and the picture
is reproduced elsewhere in this book.

Now two other occurrences began troubling me. The first was the unusual
number of black patent-leather suitcases, bound with white window-sash cord
and sealed with red wax, which were coming through on the route to Moscow.
The second was the burglary of morphine ampuls from half of the 500 first-aid
kits in our Gore Field warehouse.

The first black suitcases, six in number, were in charge of a Russian officer
and I passed them without question upon his declaration that they were
"personal luggage." But the units mounted to ten, twenty and thirty and at
last to standard batches of fifty which weighed almost two tons and consumed
the cargo allotment of an entire plane. The officers were replaced by armed
couriers, traveling in pairs, and the excuse for avoiding inspection was
changed from "personal luggage" to "diplomatic immunity."

Here were tons of materials proceeding to the Soviet Union, and I had no idea
what they were. If interrogated, I should have to plead ignorance.

I began pursuing Colonel Kotikov with queries and protests. He answered with
one eternal refrain. The suitcases were of "highest diplomatic character." I
retorted that they were not being sent by the Soviet Embassy but the Soviet
Government Purchasing Commission in Washington. He asserted that, whatever
the origin, they were covered by diplomatic immunity. But I am sure he knew
that one of these days I would try to search the containers.

They had grown to such importance in the eyes of the Russians that they asked
for a locked room. The only door in the warehouse with a lock was that to the
compartment in which the first-aid packets were kept. I put it at Colonel
Kotikov's disposal. The couriers took turn about. First one and then the
other slept on top of the suitcases, while his companion stood guard. Perhaps
unjustly, I suspected them of stealing our morphine. They were the only
persons left in the storeroom without witnesses.

At four o'clock one cold afternoon in March, 1943, Colonel Kotikov said to
me: "I want you dinner tonight." Then he doubled the surprise by whisking
from his ulster pockets two slender bottles with long, sloping necks. "Vodka!"

The invitation was accepted with pleasure and also curiosity. For almost a
year now I had associated with Colonel Kotikov and his staff, but I had never
dined with them. As a matter of routine they lunched with us at the Officers'
Club. But at night they disappeared, wandering off by themselves to other
restaurants or the dining-room of the Rainbow Hotel, where they were
quartered. So far as I knew, this was the first time they had bidden an
American to an evening repast. It reminded me of my meal with Mr. Anisimov,
who had wanted something from me.

At the Officers' Club we had noticed that the Russians were extremely
absent-minded about picking up bar checks. These oversights were costing us
around $80 monthly, and we decided to remedy the situation. In the club were
several slot-machines, for which the Russians had a passion. We decided to
"set aside" one machine to cover their libations. Thanks to the one-armed
mechanical bandit, we contrived after all to make them settle for their
liquor.

Now, of a sudden, they asked me to dinner and were offering vodka, free, as
an allurement. I could not help wondering why. Acting on a hunch, I excused
myself from riding to town with Colonel Kotikov in his Pontiac. I decided I
would take my staff car, which bad a soldier driver; in case of need, I
preferred to have mobility. I was directed to join the party at seven o'clock
at a restaurant in Great Falls known as "Carolina Pines."

There was not much time, so I hastened to ask our maintenance chief whether
the Russians were planning any flights. He answered yes; they had a C-47
staged on the line, preparing to go. It was being warmed up with Nelson
heaters -large canvas bags, fed with hot air, which were made to slip over
motors and propellers. (Winter temperatures at the airfield could be as
severe as at Fairbanks, ranging from 20 to 70 degrees below zero. Oil would
sometimes freeze as hard as stone, and two to four hours were required to
thaw out an engine.)

The Russians wielded a high hand at the airbase, but I had one power they
respected. Though Lend-Lease planes were delivered to them at Great Falls,
they were flown by American pilots as far as Fairbanks. No American pilot
could leave without clearance, and I had authority to ground any plane at any
time. In my absence, permission was given by the flight Officer of the Day. I
called the control tower, gave the telephone number of the restaurant, and
issued a positive order that no cargo plane was to be cleared for Russia
except by myself.

Occupied by these thoughts, I drove to "Carolina Pines." It was on the second
floor of a big frame structure, with an outside stairway like a fire escape.
The gathering consisted of five Russians and a single American, myself.
Colonel Kotikov acted as host, and among the guests was Colonel G. E.
Tsvetkov, head of the fighter-pursuit division of the Soviet Purchasing
Commission.

When Colonel Kotikov produced his vodka bottles, I decided it would be only
civil, in this minute corner of Russia, to do as the Russians did. I am
practically a total abstainer; my yearly ration would average no more than
one bottle of Scotch. Luckily for me, the vodka supply was limited. Small
wine glasses were banded about, instead of the usual goblets.

Our host offered the first pledge "to the great Stalin." We tossed the liquid
fire into our throats, and I imitated the others by holding my glass upside
down, at arm's length. The refill was instantaneous, and the second toast was
to "Novikov." I asked who he was. "The great Field Marshal A. Novikov," I was
told, "Commander-in-Chief of the Red Army Air Forces." The third name was
"Pokryshkin." I had never heard of him either, and found he was Colonel
Alexander Pokryshkin, Soviet ace, with 48 German planes to his credit.

Since the Russians had failed to do so, I made bold at this point to suggest
a toast to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. It was drunk with a will. So was
a second pledge, in honor of my chief, General Henry H. Arnold, Commander of
the U.S. Army Air Forces. With the vodka under our belts, we moved to chairs
about the table. But at 8:30 o'clock when we were two-thirds finished, the
waitress handed me a message in pencil. It notified me to call the control
tower at once.

At a public telephone, in the corridor, I learned that the C-47 had warmed up
and that a couple of newly arrived couriers were demanding clearance. Without
returning to the dining-room, I threw on my great-coat, scuffled down the
stairs and ordered the driver to race full speed for the hangars, four miles
away.

It was mid-winter in Great Falls. Snow was deep on the ground, and stars
glittered frostily in a crystal sky. The temperature that night was about 20
degrees below zero.

As we neared the Lend-Lease plane there loomed up, in its open door, the
figure of a burly, barrel-chested Russian. His back was propped against one
jamb of the portal. An arm and a leg were stretched across to the opposite
side. I clambered up and he tried to stop me by pushing hard with his
stomach. I pushed back, ducked under his arm, and stood inside the cabin.

It was dimly lighted by a solitary electric bulb in the dome. Faintly visible
was an expanse of black suitcases, with white ropes and seals of crimson wax.
On top of them, reclining on one elbow upon a blanket, was a second Russian,
slimmer than the first, who sprang to his feet as I entered. They were mature
men, in the forties, and wore, beneath leather jackets the inevitable blue
suits of Russian civilians. Under each coat, from a shoulder holster,
protruded the buff of a pistol.

It had been no more than a guess that a fresh installment of suitcases might
be due. My first thought was: "Another bunch of those damn things!" The
second was that if I was ever going to open them up, now was as good a time
as any. With signs I made the Russians understand what I intended to do.

Promptly they went insane. They danced. They pushed at me with their hands
and shrieked over and over the one English word they appeared to know. It was
"deeplomateekl" I brushed them aside and took from my pocket a metal handle
containing a safety razor blade which I carry in preference to a pocket knife.

Sensing its purpose, the lean courier flung himself face down across the
suitcases, with arms and legs out-spanned to shield as many as possible with
his body. I dragged one of the containers from under him, and he leaped up
again as I started to saw through the first cord. At this sight their antics
and shouts redoubled.

While opening the third suitcase, I had a mental flash that brought sweat to
my forehead. The Russians were half mad with fury and terror. They were on
both sides of me, in front and behind. Supposing, in desperation, one of them
shot me in the back? There would be no American witness, and my death could
be passed off as "a deplorable accident."

I called to a Yank soldier who was on patrol thirty feet away. He crunched
over through the snow. Bending down from the plane, I asked whether he had
had combat experience. He answered that he had, in the South Pacific. I
stooped lower and murmured:

"I'm going to open more of this baggage. I want you to watch these two
Russians. Both are armed. I don't expect any trouble. But if one of them aims
a gun at me, I want you to let him have it first. Understand?"

After a moment's thought, he looked me in the eye and said, "Sir, is that an
order?" I replied that it was an order. He clicked the bolt of his rifle to
snap a cartridge into the chamber and brought the weapon to ready. He was
tall enough for his head to clear the doorsill. The muzzle was pushed forward
to command the interior.

One courier jumped from the plane and sprinted for the hangars, where there
were telephones. The other, his face contorted as if to keep from crying,
began reknotting the cords I had severed. There was little trouble getting
into the suitcases because the Russians had bought the cheapest on the
market. They had no locks, but only pairs of clasps. All were consigned to
the same address. The entry on the bill of lading read: "Director, Institute
of Technical and Economic Information, 47 Chkalovskaya, Moscow 120, U.S.S.R."

I decided to attempt only a spot check—one suitcase, say, in every three. I
examined perhaps eighteen out of fifty. Otherwise the search was fairly
thorough, as I was looking for morphine. (Incidentally, none was found.) The
light was so weak that it was impossible to decipher text without using a
flash lamp. I had to take off my gloves, and my fingers grew numb with cold.

Using one knee as a desk, I jotted notes with a pencil on two long envelopes
that happened to be in my pocket. There was usually one entry, or phrase of
description, for each suitcase inspected. These scrawls were gathered within
the next few days into a memorandum, after which I discarded the envelopes. A
page of the memorandum is reproduced in this book on pages 80, 81.

The first thing I unearthed made me snort with disgust. It was a ponderous
tome on the art of shipping four-legged animals. Was this the kind of twaddle
American pilots were risking their lives to carry? But in the back I found a
series of tables listing railroad mileages from almost any point in the
United States to any other.

Neatly packed with the volume were scores of roadmaps, of the sort available
at filling stations to all comers. But I made a note that they were "marked
strangely." Taken together, they furnished a country-wide chart, with names
and places, of American industrial plants. For example, Pittsburgh entries
included "Westinghouse" and "Blaw-Knox."

The next suitcase to be opened was crammed with material assembled in America
by the official Soviet news organ, the Tass Telegraph Agency. A third was
devoted to Russia's Is government-owned Amtorg Trading Corporation of New
York. One yielded a collection of maps of the Panama Canal Commission, with
markings to show strategic spots in the Canal Zone and distances to islands
and ports within a 1,000-mile radius.

Another was filled with documents relating to the Aberdeen Proving Ground,
one of the most "sensitive" areas in the war effort. Judging by their
contents, various suitcases could have been labeled under the heads of
machine tools, oil refineries, blast furnaces, steel foundries, mining, coal
concrete, and the like. Other folders were stuffed with naval and shipping
intelligence. There seemed to be hundreds of commercial catalogues and
scientific magazines.

I noted that there were letters from Yakov M. Lomakin. Afterwards, as Soviet
Consul General in New York, he played a part in the Mine. Kasenkina
"leap-for-freedom" incident which forced him to quit the country. There were
also sheafs of information about Mexico, Argentina and Cuba.

There were groups of documents which, on the evidence of stationery, had been
contributed by the Departments of Agriculture, Commerce and State. All such
papers had been trimmed close to the text, with white margins removed. I
decided that this was done either to save weight, or to remove "Secret,"
"Confidential" or "Restricted" stamps that might have halted a shipment, or
for both reasons.

I distinctly remember five or six State Department folders, bound with stout
rubber bands. Clipped to each was a tab. The first read: "From Sayre." I took
down the words because it ran through my head that someone of that name had
recently been High Commissioner to the Philippines.

Then I copied the legend: "From Hiss."[ *] I had never heard of Alger Hiss,
and made the entry because the folder bearing his name happened to be second
in the pile. It contained hundreds of photostats of what seemed to be
military reports. There was a third name which I did not copy but which stuck
in my mind because it was the same as that of my dentist. The tab read: "From
Geiger." I did not list and cannot remember the names on other State
Department folders. [*In my Fulton Lewis broadcasts it was decided to use the
designations "Mr. X" and "Mr. Y" for Sayre and Hiss, since the trial of Alger
Hiss was then in progress and mention of his name might have prejudiced it.
>From the radio transcript of Dec. 2, 1949: '~LEWIS: Now careful, don't
mention any name ... One folder said 'From X and the other said 'From Y'. And
Mr. X and Mr. Y were well-known State Department officials, one of them
particularly prominent in the news? JORDAN: That's right."]

In one was an account by an American Army officer of a tour in the Near East.
I read it hurriedly. Turkey and Iran were among the countries he had
reviewed, unconsciously, for the Kremlin's enlightenment. Glancing through
the document, I found passages dealing with Soviet military strength in and
about this area.

Bewildering, to say the least, was the discovery of voluminous copies of
reports which American attaches in Moscow had forwarded trustfully, in
diplomatic pouches, to their superiors in Washington. I asked myself what
these officers would think if they knew their most secret dispatches were
being returned to the Soviet capital, for perusal by the very individuals
whom they had discussed and possibly denounced.

A suitcase opened midway in the search appeared to contain nothing but
engineering and scientific treatises. They bristled with formulae,
calculations and professional jargon. I was about to close the case and pass
on when my eye was caught by a specimen of stationery such as I had never
before seen.

Its letterhead was a magic incantation: "The White House, Washington." As
prospective owner of an 80-acre tract along the shore of Washington State, I
was impressed by the lordly omission of the capitals, "D.C." Under the
flashlight I studied this paper with attention. It was a brief note, of two
sheets, in a script which was not level but sloped upward to the right. The
name to which it was addressed, "Mikoyan," was wholly new to me. (By
questioning Colonel Kotikov later, I learned that A. I. Mikoyan at the moment
was Russia's No. 3 man, after Premier Stalin and Foreign Commissar Molotov.
He was Commissar of Foreign Trade and Soviet boss of Lend-Lease.)

A salutation, "My dear Mr. Minister," led to a few sentences of stock
courtesies. One passage, of eleven words, in the top line of the second page,
impressed me enough to merit a scribble on my envelope. That excerpt ran
thus: "—had a hell of a time getting these away from Groves."

The last two words should not be taken as referring to Major General Leslie
R. Groves himself. What they meant, probably, was "from the Groves
organization." The commander of the Manhattan Engineer District, later the
Manhattan Project, was almost unique in the Washington hierarchy for his
dislike and suspicion of Russia.

I shall tell here, for the first time, that the verb before "hell" was
preceded by a name, which stood at the end of the last line of the opening
sheet. Its initial letter was either a capital "0" or "C" (since it was
slightly open at the top), after which came four or five characters that
rushed away in half-legible fluorish. After poring over it minutely, I came
to the conclusion that the word had to be either "Oscar" if the initial
letter was an "0", or "Carrie" if the initial letter were "C." 'Me full
quotation would therefore read: "Oscar (or Carrie) had a bell of a time
getting these away from Groves."

The first thing I had done, on finding the White House note, was to flip over
the page to look for a signature. I penciled it on my envelope as "H.H." This
may not have been an exact transcription. In any case, my intention is clear.
It was to chronicle, on the spot, my identification of the author as Harry
Hopkins. It was general usage at Great Falls or elsewhere to refer to him as
"Harry Hopkins," without the middle initial.[*][ * President Roosevelt,
incidentally, adopted the same abbreviation as mine in December, 1941. The
President's notation, in his own handwriting, was as follows: "H H—Speed up!
FDR." A reproduction of this note can be seen on page 409 of the Robert
Sherwood book.]

I remember distinctly having had to remove the letter from a metal clip. It
held two other exhibits—obviously the things which Oscar, or Carrie, had such
difficulty in "getting away from Groves." One was a thick map. When unfolded,
it proved to be as wide as the span of my extended arms. In large letters it
bore a legend which I recorded: "Oak Ridge, Manhattan Engineering District."

The other was a carbon copy of a report, two or three pages long, which was
dated Oak Ridge. If it had a signature, I did not set it down. At the top of
the first page, impressed with a rubber stamp, or typed, was the legend:
"Harry Hopkins" followed by the title "Special Asst. Coordinator" or
"Administrator." I gathered that this particular copy had been earmarked for
Mr. Hopkins. In the text of the report was encountered a series of vocables
so outlandish that I made a memo to look up their meaning. Among them were
"cyclotron," "proton" and "deuteron." There were curious phrases like "energy
produced by fission" and "walls five feet thick, of lead and water, to
control flying neutrons."

Probably no more than 200 men in all the country would have been capable at
the time of noting down these particular expressions out of their own heads.
The paper on which I made my notes was later submitted to the Bureau of
Standards for a test of its age.

For the first time in my life, I met the word "uranium." The exact phrase was
"Uranium 92." From a book of reference I learned afterward that uranium is
the 92nd element in atomic weight.

At the time of this episode I was as unaware as anyone could be of Oak Ridge,
the Manhattan District and its chief, General Groves. The enterprise has been
celebrated as "the best guarded secret in history." It was superlatively
hushhush, to the extreme that Army officers in the "know" were forbidden to
mention it over their private telephones inside the Pentagon. General Groves
has testified that his office would have refused to send any document to the
White House, without authority from himself, even if it was requested
personally by the President. I am certain that this is true, and I have never
asserted anything to the contrary with respect to General Groves.

I admire General Groves very much, and I think that his testimony at the
Congressional hearing was one of the impressive things that occurred there.
The fact that he testified that he had never met Hopkins or even spoken to
him seemed to convince some people that I was lying, but of course for
Hopkins to write that "Oscar had a hell of a time getting these away from
Groves" in no way implies that Hopkins knew Groves. General Groves did
confirm in the following testimony that pressure was definitely felt in his
organization even though he could not specify its source.

Mr. Harrison. You said there was a great deal of pressure on Lend-Lease to
ship uranium to Russia. Can you tell us who exerted the pressure?

General Groves. No; I can't tell you who exerted the pressure on Lend-Lease.
Of course it could have been internal pressure. At any rate, we saw every
evidence of that pressure, and I believe your files of the Lend-Lease diaries
will show how they repeatedly came back. It was evident from reading the
diaries that we didn't want this material shipped, yet they kept coming back
and coming back....

I believe it is fair to say that ... (General Wesson's) subordinates were
fully aware that we did not want this material to be shipped abroad, and this
continual pressure to ship it was certainly coming from somewhere. Either it
was coming internally, from ambitious souls, or it was coming externally.

I am sure if you would check on the pressure on officers handling all
supplies of a military nature during the war, you will find the pressure to
give to Russia everything that could he given was not limited to atomic
matters.

There was one incident that occurred later. I was reminded this morning by
one of my former people of how delighted we were when we managed to get some
material away from the Russians. It was a major accomplishment. And the only
thing we got away from them was time. We were very anxious, in connection
with the gaseous diffusion plant, to get certain equipment. If it had not
been obtained, that plant would have been delayed in its completion. The
Russians had a plant on the way. Of course when I say they had it, you know
who paid for it. That plant, some of it was boxed and on the dock when we got
it, and I can still remember the difficulties we had in getting it.

One of the agreements we had to make was that we would replace that
equipment, and use all our priorities necessary to get it replaced quickly  .
. . That particular plant was off-refinery equipment, and in my opinion was
purely postwar Russian supply, as you know much of it was. I give you that as
an example of what people interested in supplying American troops had to
contend with during the war.

Where that influence came from, you can guess as well as I can. It was
certainly prevalent in Washington, and it was prevalent throughout the
country, and the only spot I know of that was distinctly anti-Russian at an
early period was the Manhattan Project. And we were-there was never any doubt
about it from sometime along about October 1942.[1] [Italics added.]

In short, it seems as clear as daylight that if anyone did try to get
anything away from General Groves or his organization, he would really have
had "a hell of a time"!

"From the outset, extraordinary secrecy and security measures have surrounded
the project," declared Henry L. Stimson, Secretary of War, in commenting on
the first military use of the atom bomb. "This was personally ordered by
President Roosevelt." Mr. Roosevelt's orders, he innocently added, "have been
strictly complied with." [2]

Yet Russians with whom I worked side by side at Great Falls knew about the
A-bomb at least as early as March, 1943 and General Groves had reason to
distrust the Russians in October, 19421 In common with almost all Americans,
I got the first hint of the existence of the atom bomb from the news of
Hiroshima, which was revealed on August 6, 1945 by President Truman.

In a later chapter I recount my futile visit to Washington in January, 1944
to bring to the attention of the highest authorities what seemed to me to be
treacherous violations of security in the Pipeline. I got exactly nowhere in
the State Department or elsewhere. It was not until I heard the announcement
of the atomic blast in Russia on September 23, 1949, that I finally had the
good fortune of meeting Senator Bridges and Fulton Lewis-but more of that
later.

It was after eleven o'clock and my checking job was virtually done, when
Colonel Kotikov burst into the cabin of the plane. He wanted to know by whose
authority I was committing this outrage and bellowed that he would have me
removed. I answered that I was performing my duty, and just to show how
things stood, opened two or three extra suitcases in his presence. I left the
C-47 and with a nod of thanks dismissed my sentinel. As I crossed the field
toward the barracks, Colonel Kotikov fell in beside me.

No doubt he reflected that he was in no position to force an issue. He may
also have realized that I understood the gravity of almost nothing I had
seen. All that mattered to him was getting the suitcases off to Moscow.
Anxiously he inquired what I intended to do.

If I had known what I do today, I should have grounded the transport, but in
the end it went on its way to Russia.

Colonel Kotikov asked me to open no more suitcases until instructions came
from the War Department. He said he hoped he would not have to get me
transferred. I expected to be fired, and went so far as to pack my gear. But
I received no communication from the War Department, and gathered at last
that Colonel Kotikov had made no complaint. Perhaps, I began to think, he did
not dare.

I reported to Colonel George F. O'Neill, security officer of the 34th
Sub-Depot at Gore Field, about the fifty suitcases I had examined. He was
interested enough to pass the story on to his superior officer in Spokane.
There was no reply, even after Colonel ONeill made a second attempt.
Apparently it was not considered good form to cast reflections on the
integrity of our ally.

SOURCES
CHAPTER FIVE
The Black Suitcases
I. Hearings Regarding Shipments of Atomic Materials to the Soviet Union
during World War II, House of Representatives Committee on Un-American
Activities, (U. S. Government Print- ing Office, testimony of General Groves,
Dec. 7, 1949), pp. 947-50.
2. On Active Service in Peace and War, Henry L. Stimson and
McGeorge Bundy, (Harper, 1947).

pps. 33-45
-----
Aloha, He'Ping,
Om, Shalom, Salaam.
Em Hotep, Peace Be,
Omnia Bona Bonis,
All My Relations.
Adieu, Adios, Aloha.
Amen.
Roads End
Kris

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