-Caveat Lector-

From: Ginny Monteen (by way of Sandi Brockway / Macrocosm USA
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>) <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: David Crockett Williams <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; [EMAIL PROTECTED]
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; [EMAIL PROTECTED] <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: Russians write Letter to Editor at Wash. Post
Date: Tuesday, June 01, 1999 12:12 PM

The following Letter to the Editor from Viktor Chernomyrdin, Russian envoy
and mediator between Belgrade and NATO, ran in the Washington Post May 27.
The wording was so strong, the Post didn't believe it was authentic. They
checked; it was.

When are U.S./NATO going to get it? What does it take to wake up our
government? Threat of nuclear war? Well, now we've got that .............


'Impossible to Talk Peace With Bombs Falling'

By Viktor Chernomyrdin

Thursday, May 27, 1999; Page A39

I deem it necessary to express my opinion on the Kosovo situation as the
warfare escalates and the danger grows of a shift to ground operations,
which would be even bloodier and more destructive. I also want to comment on
certain ideas put forward by President Clinton in his contribution of May 16
to the New York Times.

In particular, I am anxious to express my opinion of his premise that
"Russia is now helping to work out a way for Belgrade to meet our
conditions," and that NATO's strategy can "strengthen, not weaken, our
fundamental interest in a long-term, positive relationship with Russia."

In fact, Russia has taken upon itself to mediate between Belgrade and NATO
not because it is eager to help NATO implement its strategies, which aim at
Slobodan Milosevic's capitulation and the de facto establishment of a NATO
protectorate over Kosovo. These NATO goals run counter to Russia's stance,
which calls for the introduction of U.N. forces into Kosovo with
Yugoslavia's sovereignty and territorial integrity intact.

Moreover, the new NATO strategy, the first practical instance of which we
are witnessing in Yugoslavia, has led to a serious deterioration in
Russia-U.S. contacts. I will be so bold as to say it has set them back by
several decades. Recent opinion polls back this up. Before the air raids, 57
percent of Russians were positively disposed toward the United States, with
28 percent hostile. The raids reversed those numbers to 14 percent positive
and 72 percent negative. Sixty-three percent of Russians blame NATO for
unleashing the conflict, while only 6 percent blame Yugoslavia.

These attitudes result not so much from so-called Slavic fraternity as
because a sovereign country is being bombed -- with bombing seen as a way to
resolve a domestic conflict. This approach clashes with international law,
the Helsinki agreements and the entire world order that took shape after
World War II.

The damage done by the Yugoslavia war to Russian-U.S. relations is nowhere
greater than on the moral plane. During the years of reform, a majority of
Russians formed a view of the United States as a genuine democracy, truly
concerned about human rights, offering a universal standard worthy of
emulation.

But just as Soviet tanks trampling on the Prague Spring of 1968 finally
shattered the myth of the socialist regime's merits, so the United States
lost its moral right to be regarded as a leader of the free democratic world
when its bombs shattered the ideals of liberty and democracy in Yugoslavia.
We can only regret that it is feeding the arguments of Communists and
radical nationalists, who have always viewed NATO as aggressive, have
demanded skyrocketing defense expenditures and have backed isolationist
policies for Russia.

Now that raids against military targets have evidently proven pointless,
NATO's armed force has moved to massive destruction of civilian
infrastructure -- in particular, electric transmission lines, water pipes
and factories. Are thousands of innocent people to be killed because of one
man's blunders? Is an entire country to be razed? Is one to assume that air
raids can win a war?

I should like here to turn to the lessons of recent history. The U.S. Air
Force and the RAF dropped several hundred thousand bombs on Berlin, yet it
took a Soviet Army offensive, with its toll of several hundred thousand
lives, to seize the city. American air raids in Vietnam proved pointless,
and the Russian Army suffered setbacks in Chechnya. Serbs see NATO and the
Americans as aggressors against whom they are defending their native land. I
do not think a ground war will be a success, and I am sure it will bring
tremendous bloodshed.

Further, it will no longer be possible to thwart the proliferation of
missiles and nuclear arms -- another negative consequence of NATO's policy.
Even the smallest of independent states will seek nuclear weapons and
delivery vehicles to defend themselves after they see NATO's military
machine in action. The danger of global instability looms, with more new
wars and more victims.

More bombing makes it pointless to plan a return of refugees. What will they
come back to -- homes in debris, without electricity or water? Where will
they find jobs, with half of all factories in ruins and the other half
doomed to be bombed in due course? It is time for NATO countries to realize
that more air raids will lead to a dead end. No fewer than half of the
refugees are not eager to leave a prosperous Europe to return to a
devastated Kosovo to live side by side with war-embittered Serbs. Of this, I
am sure. Clearly, every hundred Kosovars will have to be indefinitely
protected by one or two soldiers; that is how NATO's presence in Yugoslavia
will become permanent.

Also, sooner or later NATO will be expected by the world community to pay
Yugoslavia for damages, to compensate the bereaved families of innocent
victims and to punish pilots who bombed civilians and their commanders who
issued criminal orders.

Thus, the bloc is headed for a Pyrrhic victory, whether the conflict ends
with the Serbs capitulating or in an invasion of Yugoslavia. The campaign
will not achieve its main oals. Not all refugees will come back to Kosovo,
which will remain in some form under Yugoslav jurisdiction, and many
billions of dollars will be spent rebuilding the country from the ruins.

Now, a few words about the ethnic Albanian paramilitaries. They are
essentially terrorist organizations. Of this, Russia is sure. They are
making money chiefly from drug trafficking, with an annual turnover of $3
billion. As it maintains close contact with these paramilitaries and
modernizes their weaponry, the West -- directly or indirectly -- encourages
the emergence of a major new drug trafficking center in that part of the
world. It also encourages the paramilitaries to extend their influence to
neighboring countries. The Greater Albania motto may soon start to take
hold. This will mean more bloodshed, more wars and more redrawings of
borders.

The world has never in this decade been so close as now to the brink of
nuclear war.

I appeal to NATO leaders to show the courage to suspend the air raids, which
would be the only correct move.

It is impossible to talk peace with bombs falling. This is clear now. So I
deem it necessary to say that, unless the raids stop soon, I shall advise
Russia's president to suspend Russian participation in the negotiating
process, put an end to all military-technological cooperation with the
United States and Western Europe, put off the ratification of START II and
use Russia's veto as the United Nations debates a resolution on Yugoslavia.

On this, we shall find understanding from great powers such as China and
India. Of this, I am sure.


The writer, a former prime minister of Russia, is President Boris Yeltsin's
special envoy for Kosovo.

© Copyright 1999 The Washington Post Company

Ginny    /\    /\ /\
        /  \/\/  \  \/\
 [EMAIL PROTECTED]
 805.541.2325
 San Luis Obispo, CA, USA

"Imagine all the people living life in peace..."  - John Lennon

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