-Caveat Lector-

The Objectives of the Communist Manifesto.

Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, The Communist Manifesto, 1848,
pp104-105, Penguin Classics. Translation by Samuel Moore, 1888.
Another translation.


  The steady increase in intellectual Socialism during the 19th century in
the wake
of the Enlightenment is a phenomenon which is little acknowledged,
considering the almost
universal awareness amongst the general public of other major intellectual
developments of
the 18th and 19th centuries; the Industrial Revolution, the revolution
in scientific thinking typified by Darwin's theory of Natural Selection, and
the French
Revolution.


----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
  We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the working
class, is to raise
the proletariat to the position of ruling class, to win the battle of
democracy.
  The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all
capital from the
bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production in the hands of the
state, i.e., of
the proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to increase the total of
productive forces
as rapidly as possible.
  Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by means of
despotic inroads on
the rights of property, and on the conditions of bourgeois production; by
means of measures,
therefore, which appear economically insufficient and untenable, but which,
in the course of
the movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the old
social order, and
are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionising the mode of
production.
  These measures will of course be different in different countries.
  Nevertheless, in the most advanced countries, the following will be pretty
generally
applicable:
  1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to
public purposes.
  2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
  3. Abolition of all right of inheritance.
  4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
  5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a
national bank with
State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
  6. Centralisation of the means of communication and transport in the hands
of the state.
  7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the
State; the bringing
into cultivation of wastelands, and the improvement of the soil generally in
accordance with
a common plan.
  8. Equal liability of all to labour. Establishment of industrial armies,
especially for
agriculture.
  9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual
abolition of the
distinction between town and country, by a more equable distribution of the
population
over the country.
  10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of
children's factory
labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial
production, &c., &c.
  When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared,
and all
production has been concentrated in the whole nation, the public power will
lose its
political character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the
organised power
of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest
with the
bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organise itself
as a class,
if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as
such, sweeps away
by force the old conditions of production, then it will, along with these
conditions, have
swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of
classes generally,
and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.
  In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class
antagonisms, we shall
have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition
for the free
development of all.
http://aardvark.apana.org.au/~hakon/objectives.html

Bard

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