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>From wsws.org
>
>
> World Socialist Web Site www.wsws.org
>
> ----------------------------------------------------------------------
> --
>
>
> WSWS : News & Analysis : Europe : The Balkan Crisis
>
> Lieutenant-General Sir Michael Jackson no stranger to ethnic warfare
>
> Head of NATO force in Kosovo was second-in-command at "Bloody
> Sunday"massacre in Ireland
>
> By Julie Hyland
> 19 June 1999
>
> Back to screen version
>
> Lieutenant-General Sir Michael Jackson is the British K-For commander
> in Kosovo. This is a position of strategic importance for the UK
> government. The commanding officer is expected to be someone tried and
> tested who is held in high regard by the establishment. What are
> Jackson's qualifications for this position?
>
> In the rash of official biographies that greeted his appointment, he
> is variously referred to as “Macho Jacko”, “Darth Vader” or the
> “Prince of Darkness”; the latter two epithets are attributed to him by
> his own troops. Yet little in his official biography would account for
> such sinister nicknames. Jackson is described as an intelligent and
> sophisticated man, fluent in Russian; someone who would have been able
> to rise to the top in any career he had chosen.
>
> This biography details his university degree and early work for the
> intelligence corps, before noting his transfer into the Parachute
> Regiment (the “Paras”) in 1970. His career in the regiment was so
> illustrious that he became commander of its First Battalion between
> 1984 and 1986. He also served tours of duty in Berlin and Northern
> Ireland.
>
> All this indicates that Jackson is an able soldier, but does not, in
> itself, account for his rise up the military hierarchy to the point
> where he has been placed in charge of some of the most sensitive
> operations of the last years. Before K-For he commanded the United
> Nations implementation force in Bosnia-Herzegovina between 1995 and
> 1996.
>
> It is only because of a political crisis which has now erupted in the
> Northern Ireland “peace process” that the blank spaces on Jackson's
> biography can be filled in. This involves the notorious “Bloody
> Sunday” massacre of January 30, 1972 in Derry, Northern Ireland, when
> 14 soldiers of the Parachute Regiment opened fire on a peaceful
> protest by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association opposing
> discrimination against Catholics. In just 30 minutes, 13 people were
> shot dead and a further 13 injured. Those who died were killed by a
> single bullet to the head or body, indicating that they had been
> deliberately targeted. No weapons were found on any of the deceased.
>
> Bloody Sunday became a watershed in Britain's occupation of Ireland.
> In 1969, British troops were sent into the north of Ireland,
> ostensibly to defend the Catholic minority, but they very quickly
> revealed themselves as its main oppressors. From then on, the British
> army carried out systematic beatings, torture and murder, all designed
> to exacerbate sectarian divisions. Bloody Sunday was also to pave the
> way for direct rule from London, as it precipitated the collapse of
> the local Stormont parliament.
>
> As part of the present and ongoing “peace process” in Northern
> Ireland, the British Labour government last year agreed to hold an
> inquiry into the shootings. The convening of the new inquiry
> acknowledged the spurious character of the original Widgery Tribunal,
> which had exonerated the Paras, and had kept the identity of the
> soldiers involved a secret.
>
> Lord Saville, who was placed in charge of the new inquiry, ruled in
> May that the 17 members of the Paras who fired live rounds at the
> demonstrators should be named and publicly questioned. Only two have
> ever admitted discharging their weapons on the day. But amongst those
> accused of having done so was the then Captain Jackson.
>
> Immediately, challenges were made to the High Court, protesting that
> this would open up the 17 to retribution by the IRA. This is despite
> the fact that nationalist groups have circulated their names for
> years. Amongst those arguing on the soldiers' behalf were Defence
> Minister George Robertson and Prime Minister Blair. “What would be
> odd, would be if we were not supporting our own troops in front of an
> inquiry and arguing their case”, Blair said.
>
> On Thursday, the High Court ruled that Lord Saville's tribunal had
> reached a “flawed” decision when it failed to give precedence to the
> “fundamental human rights of the soldiers”, and upheld their right to
> anonymity. This has not stopped the widespread circulation of their
> names on the Internet, and even in the press. The Irish News published
> a partial list with surnames blacked out. The only exceptions were
> those of Lieutenant-Colonel Derek Wilford and his second-in-command
> Captain Mike Jackson, who had joint responsibility for the operation.
>
> Jackson's role in Bloody Sunday did not hinder his advancement up the
> military ladder—it earned him his spurs. It proved he was a man who
> could be relied upon to ruthlessly suppress social and political
> unrest. This is his real remit in Kosovo. His record contradicts the
> official hypocrisy surrounding “Operation Joint Guardian”. Someone
> involved at the highest level in one of the most notorious episodes in
> recent history, whose career is bound up with British imperialism's
> deliberate cultivation of sectarian and religious conflict, has now
> been charged with preventing “ethnic cleansing”. It is no surprise,
> therefore, that the forcible removal of the Serb minority is taking
> place under his very nose and with his tacit approval.
>
>
>
>
>
> ----------------------------------------------------------------------
> --
>
> Copyright 1998-99
> World Socialist Web Site
> All rights reserved
>
>
>From IrishTimes
> Wednesday, June 16, 1999
>
> PM refuses appeal for
> intervention on anonymity
>
>
>
> ----------------------------------------------------------------------
> --
>
>
> The British Prime Minister, in a letter made public yesterday, said
> his government was both committed to finding out the truth about
> Bloody Sunday, and sympathetic to concerns for soldiers' safety.
>
> Mr Blair was replying to Conservative MP Mr Gerald Howarth, who is
> campaigning against the decision of the Bloody Sunday Inquiry not to
> grant anonymity to a number of ex-soldiers.
>
> High Court judges said yesterday that they planned to give a swift
> ruling on a legal move by former soldiers who fired live rounds on
> Bloody Sunday to remain anonymous.
>
> The Prime Minister said: "While I understand your concerns for the
> safety of the soldiers, I must make it absolutely clear that the
> inquiry is impartial, and that it must be seen to be impartial from
> the very outset. It is not for the Government to interfere with the
> way the inquiry chooses to conduct its business. The matter is now
> before the courts."
>
> Mr Blair went on: "The government is both committed to the objective
> of finding out the truth about Bloody Sunday and sympathetic to the
> soldiers' concerns about their personal safety.
>
> "The Ministry of Defence, acting as the soldiers' former employer and
> fulfilling its duty of care to them, has unequivocally supported their
> arguments in favour of anonymity.
>
> "In the course of the recent judicial review, its counsel expressed
> its deep concern and took the court through its arguments in some
> detail."
>
> Mr Howarth, MP for Aldershot, commented: "While I am fully apprised of
> the support that the Ministry of Defence is giving at a cost, so far,
> of £1.14 million, nevertheless the Prime Minister cannot wash his
> hands of this matter, which is of very great concern to those men who
> have already put their lives on the line for their country." - (PA)
>From IrishTimes
> Wednesday, June 16, 1999
>
> Full text of
> Blair speech
>
>
>
> ----------------------------------------------------------------------
> --
>
>
> Speech by British Prime Minister, Mr Tony Blair MP at Stranmillis
> University College, Belfast on June 15
>
> This is an anxious time. The people of Northern Ireland face a crisis
> they do not want, do not deserve and is not of their making. It is
> right that the alarm bells are ringing.
>
> But we should remember how far we've come.
>
> People on both sides say to me constantly: what has the Good Friday
> Agreement delivered? Nothing has changed, they say.
>
> I want you to reflect on that. Has nothing really changed? Yes there
> are acts of violence by thugs on both sides. But the cease-fires are
> in place; fewer soldiers on the streets; fewer roadblocks; ordinary
> life returning to our streets and homes; new investment and economic
> development all around us.
>
> Republicans and Unionists sitting down together to talk.
>
> There is a political process.
>
> There is an Agreement.
>
> British/Irish relations transformed, in a way not seen since
> partition.
>
> People say this Agreement will collapse like all the rest. But 1974
> and 1992 were different.
>
> This has resolved the key constitutional issues: agreement on consent,
> changes to the Irish constitution; replacement for the Anglo-Irish
> Agreement, - agreement on an Assembly, North/South bodies and a
> British Irish Council. And it is a genuinely inclusive process.
>
> This is a million miles further than we've ever been.
>
> Then people say: the other side are purely cynical. It's all
> manoeuvring. `It's all a tactic to get into the Executive whilst the
> IRA retain violence. ` Or `It's all a tactic to stop us sitting in the
> Executive and if we overcome this hurdle, they'll think of another.` I
> hear the same phrase, the same words, the same attacks from every
> party to the peace process, just varied in who they apply to.
>
> So people say: nothing's changed. It's all going to collapse. The
> other side, but not me are totally cynical.
>
> And I am saying to people: it's all rubbish. Things have changed. I
> have no doubt at all that people who supported the Agreement want it
> to work. And if it collapses it is because we all lacked the courage
> and vision to make it work. The Good Friday Agreement is the one
> chance Northern. Ireland has got, I know it. You know it.
>
> Those opposed to it have never had an alternative; don't have one now,
> and never will have one. And that's because - and I'm going to be
> blunt - they prefer Northern Ireland the way it was. It was simpler.
> No-one had to make hard choices. No-one had to listen to talk of
> betrayal from their own supporters. No-one had to speak to people they
> didn't like. We all just stayed in our little boxes and attacked the
> others. And Northern Ireland became a symbol for outdated religious
> conflict.
>
> The Good Friday Agreement saw Northern Ireland for the first time in
> decades seen as a symbol of hope round the whole world.
>
> So: are we now going to throw it all away and let men of violence
> dictate the agenda again?
>
> We have resolved the key constitutional issues. But one issue remains-
> It revolves round the question of trust. Without trust, there can be
> no political settlement. And there is distrust on all sides. The
> Republicans fear the Unionists are not and will not be serious about
> letting them into the democratic process. They think Unionists are
> trying to re-write the Good Friday Agreement. The Unionists believe
> the Republicans or a significant section of them are addicted to
> violence as a tactic.
>
> Unionism must share power with the Nationalist and Republican
> community. There can no longer be a Northern Ireland based on other
> than the principles of justice, fairness and equality and recognition
> that sectarianism is a thing of the past. Many Republicans do not
> believe that Unionism will share power with them. Unionists must prove
> them wrong.
>
> I believe David Trimble is sincere in his desire to make this all
> work. And I say to those who attack him within Unionism: he has taken
> the hard road. And he has more integrity doing so than those who
> undermine him without the faintest clue as to a strategy to put in
> place of his.
>
> Republicans must accept that decommissioning can be got through, but
> it cannot be got round, Whatever the history, once the previous
> government raised it in 1995, it was always clear decommissioning
> would take on a special significance. It may irritate some people that
> it is so. But it is a fact of life. It is important to spell out why
> this is so. It is not because people are blind to the inadequacy of
> decommissioning as a total solution to violence. It isn't. It is
> simply that if, after all this time. Republicans were still simply to
> refuse to countenance decommissioning under any circumstances at all,
> to many Unionists the legitimate question is why? It is because they
> just won't bow to Unionist demands; or is it, in a more sinister way,
> because they want to retain violence as an option? People need to know
> that if they am going to sit down in government with other people,
> those other people are fully committed to peaceful means and
> exclusively so.
>
> So: how do we resolve it? The only way is: we must return to the Good
> Friday Agreement. That is the binding agreement. That makes the
> position clear. Decommissioning is not a prior pre-condition of the
> Executive. But it is plainly part of the process. All parties are
> obliged to help bring it about. No-one will believe that a party with
> a close connection with a paramilitary group could not bring about
> decommissioning. And if they cannot bring it about why can they not
> make it clear that they believe decommissioning should happen? And
> condemn those who fail to bring it about?
>
> We need politicians from both sides to move forward together. To put
> aside the past and implement the Agreement, All of the Agreement. We
> all need to accept that the war is over; and that the days of
> religious conflict with one group seeking supremacy over another are
> over too.
>
> Right across Northern Ireland there are local authorities and district
> partnerships where the politicians from all sides work together
> successfully. Surely in the new Executive we can manage to do the
> same?
>
> Politicians in Northern Ireland need to take responsibility for this
> process- It is no good saying they will leave it to the two
> Governments. As British Prime Minister you get used to everyone
> blaming you for not doing this or that. But in the end our role can
> only be to help. To devote time and energy and resources. The final
> choices lie here. In Northern Ireland.
>
> And that choice includes you the people of Northern Ireland. That is
> why I appeal to you. the people of Northern Ireland, to urge your
> politicians on both sides of the divide to be flexible, to show
> imagination.
>
> Another shadow hangs over us: the appalling, unacceptable situation in
> Drumcree. People in other parts of the world find it difficult to
> understand what this dispute is about. A march once a year that takes
> ten minutes to pass but causes ten months of stand-off. The poisoning
> of community relations. Violence and murder. Today I meet the
> residents and the Orange Order to push a process that I hope will lead
> to a settlement. If we are to bring about real reconciliation here in
> Northern Ireland, then we must remove this running sore
>
> It has to be settled by mutual agreement now so that the people of
> Portadown and people right across Northern Ireland can get on with
> their normal lives. This is not and cannot be linked to the Good
> Friday Agreement. But the contribution a settlement could make to the
> confidence on all sides in peace, is unmistakable.
>
> It is now more than a year since the Good Friday Agreement. More than
> a year since the referendum in which the overwhelming majority of
> people, north and south, voted for that Agreement. And opinion polls
> suggest it is as popular today as it was then.
>
> And yet that Agreement has not yet been implemented, despite over a
> year of talks and negotiations.
>
> That is why Bertie Ahern and I have set a deadline of 30 June, by
> which time the Agreement must be implemented. I want people to
> understand that I am serious about this deadline. Either on 1 July we
> will move this process forward or we will have to look for another way
> forward.
>
> Two weeks after I was elected Prime Minister, in 1997 on 16th May, I
> came to Northern Ireland and delivered a speech In it, I said this:
>
> `I feel the most profound humility at the trust put in me, and with
> it, an equally profound sense of responsibility. I feel it, perhaps
> especially, about Northern Ireland. This is not a party political game
> or even a serious debate about serious run-of-the-mill issues. It is
> about life and death for people here. An end to violence and there are
> people, young men and women particularly, who will live and raise
> families and die in peace. Without it, they will die prematurely and
> in bloodshed.
>
> It is a responsibility that weighs peace. Without it, they will die
> prematurely and in bloodshed.
>
> It is a responsibility that weighs not just upon the mind, but the
> soul`
>
> I still feel that responsibility. I meant every word of that speech.
> Help me now to fulfil it.
A<>E<>R
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
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