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> ORIGINAL SOURCES June 1999 HEADLINES
> ----------------------------------------------------------------------
> Bombshell Testimony on Clinton's Threats to National Security
> Whistle-blowers
>
> The China Connection
>
> House Government Reform and Oversight Committee
> June 24, 1999
>
> Prepared Testimony of Congressman Curt Weldon
>
> Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I welcome the opportunity to testify today --
> not as a Republican looking for a target of opportunity to attack the
> Administration, but as a Member of Congress concerned about the
> politicization of national security matters and retribution against
> government employees who stood up against it.  In fact, it was my
> efforts to bring bipartisanship to the national missile defense debate
> that brought me here today.
>
> In 1995, the congressional leadership committed to passing legislation
> that would mandate the timely deployment of a national missile defense
> system.  Unfortunately, that debate began on a highly partisan note --
> bolstered by the President's repeated public insistence that the
> United States was no longer targeted by Russian missiles. Concerned
> about the Administration's attempts to downplay missile threats and
> the lack of alternative information on threats and systems to defend
> against them, I established the bipartisan Congressional Missile
> Defense Caucus with John Spratt, Peter Geren, and Duncan Hunter to
> educate members and the American public about the issues.
>
> Through hearings and briefings,  the regular distribution of
> materials, and in speeches across the country, I worked aggressively
> to increase awareness of threats and to counter misrepresentations
> that were being made. Soon, people were coming to update me on threat
> developments, asking that I follow through so that critical matters
> were not overlooked.  Sadly, I also became a conduit for agency
> employees whose findings were being squelched by the Administration.
> That is how I first learned about the Administration's aggressive
> campaign of distortion -- when a former DOE employee came to my office
> in 1995 to discuss the deterioration of Russian nuclear security.
>
> Jay Stewart
>
> In 1991, Jay Stewart, Director of DOE's Office of Foreign
> Intelligence, commissioned a panel of DOE specialists to assess the
> control, safety, and security of Soviet nuclear weapons.  Later that
> year,  results indicating a loss of control were briefed to Secretary
> of Energy James Watkins, and the CIA.  Stewart made continued
> monitoring of this urgent situation -- known as the "Russian Fission"
> program -- the office priority.  In December 1992, he led a classified
> conference on this subject matter at the National Defense University
> [NDU], which was widely attended by the military, intelligence and
> policy communities.
>
> Hazel O'Leary was briefed on this situation in February 1993, and
> asked that Secretary-General of NATO Manfred Woerner be briefed
> immediately.  Suddenly, after marshalling the highest levels of
> support from the U.S. government and NATO, the program was terminated
> by the newly appointed Director of DOE's Office of Intelligence and
> Arms Control, Jack Keliher.  All papers, briefings, agendas,
> conference video and audio tapes were seized,  locked up -- and
> ultimately destroyed. Keliher said that the Secretary told him the
> program was "politically sensitive" and could "embarrass the
> President." He said that "if any materials from the NDU conference
> ever leaked to the press, somebody would be fired." He then said
> Stewart's work was "ill informed," contained "inaccurate assumptions
> and conclusions" and should not be referred to because it "gave the
> wrong impression of the situation in Russia."
>
> Refusing to buckle under to political pressure and tow the party line,
> Stewart and his deputy were both removed from all DOE intelligence and
> management duties.   Facing a future in dead-end positions, both
> quietly left DOE.  Jay was an outstanding career employee of the
> Department of Energy, who worked his way up the ranks to serve as the
> First Director of Counterintelligence, and as Director of Foreign
> Intelligence. Among the many professional awards he received were the
> National Intelligence Meritorious Unit Citation, the Presidential
> Meritorious Executive Rank Award, and ultimately, the National
> Intelligence Distinguished Service Medal.   Concerned that the
> Administration would try to bury this information, and astounded by
> the lengths to which it went to dispose of the findings, I initiated
> an Armed Services Committee investigation of this matter.  Most
> Department employees "circled the wagons," preventing us from
> obtaining physical evidence of politicization.  However, Jay's story
> was ultimately corroborated by three brave DOE employees, and was
> later backed up in the book One Point Safe.  I subsequently held
> several hearings in the Armed Services Committee on this matter which
> confirmed the validity of the Russian Fission effort -- including the
> testimony of Brookings Scholar Bruce Blair, Russian Academician Alexi
> Yablokov, General Alexander Lebed and former KGB agent Stanislav
> Lunev.  The Stewart case was my first foray into Clinton
> Administration politicization of national security matters, and a
> stunning lesson in just how far this White House would go to bolster
> its own policy agenda.  I still find it absolutely galling that
> someone of Jay Stewart's caliber, just doing his job, could be so
> effectively trashed by political appointees and run out of town.
>
> National Intelligence Estimate 95-19:
>
> Later in 1995, the Administration released , NIE 95-19 "Emerging
> Missile Threats to North America During the Next Fifteen Years." This
> assessment flatly ruled out a rogue missile  threat to the U.S. for
> the next fifteen years.  On December 1, as the Senate was debating the
> Defense Authorization bill which directed the deployment of a National
> Missile Defense, the Administration in an unprecedented move released
> a letter citing these conclusions.  Two weeks later, President Clinton
> vetoed the Defense Authorization bill, stating that the Administration
> did not see a missile threat to the United States in the coming
> decade.
>
> Previous intelligence estimates showed that threat could emerge much
> sooner, and many Members questioned assumptions in the classified
> assessment -- such as the exclusion of the missile threat to Alaska
> and Hawaii.  I knew from my own monitoring of Russian security
> developments that the estimates ignored the disintegration of the
> Russian military and the breakdown of command and control. Given these
> doubts, my Committee tasked the GAO to evaluate the soundnes of NIE
> 965-19. GAO determined that its conclusions were overstated, and noted
> numerous analytical shortcomings in the report. Former Director of the
> CIA Robert Gates, who headed an independent review of NIE 95-19 said
> it was "politically naive" "rushed"  and that the exclusion of Alaska
> and Hawaii from the threat analysis was "foolish from every
> perspective."   After pursuing the Russian Fission matter and the much
> more publicized NIE, Mr. Chairman, the floodgates literally opened.  I
> was routinely hearing of developments -- that Congress should have
> every right to know about -- that the Administration was not likely to
> share.  In too many cases, professionals who had the gall to press the
> point on matters that defied the Administration's "line" were being
> penalized.  Each of these cases is every bit as compelling as those
> above.  In the interest of time, I will try to summarize a few of them
> for the Committee's consideration.
>
> Spooking the CIA: 2 Cases of Foul Play
>
> #1 - Just as the Russian Fission investigation was wrapping up, I
> #learned that one of my staffer's relatives -- an employee of the CIA
> #-- was suffering undue harrassment after presenting analysis that
> #conflicted with the Administration's policy governing U.S.
> #involvement in UN peacekeeping efforts.  Assigned to the panel
> #drafting Presidential Decision Directive 25 dealing with use of
> #forces in peacekeeping efforts, this analyst revealed to his
> #superiors an intelligence leak in Somalia that compromised U.S.
> #security.
>
> After objecting to intelligence sharing in international peacekeeping
> efforts and opposing U.S. troops involvement in civil wars, he was
> pulled off the PDD panel and reassigned to a lesser job. Managers
> complained about his writing and analysis, and he suffered continued
> harrassment. After he requested binding arbitration, he was asked to
> submit to a drug test, a medical exam for brain tumors, and a
> psychiatric evaluation. Ultimately, it took a seasoned attorney to
> bring an abrupt end to the harrassment, and to ensure his exoneration.
>
>
> #2 - When Gordon Oehler, Director of CIA's Nonproliferation Center,
> #provided Congress with detailed information on the scope of the
> #Iranian missile threat, he effectively ended his twenty-five year
> #career.  Members were pressing for details on Iranian threat
> #developments,  concerned about their implications for our troops and
> #Middle East allies.  At the time, the Administration was maintaining
> #that an Iranian medium-range missile capability was a decade away. To
> #his detriment, Oehler provided Members with candid details about
> #technology transfers from Russia and China to Iran that vastly
> #accelerated the Iranian missile threat. His revelations not only
> #undermined the credibility of the Administration's threat assessment,
> #but challenged its policy with respect to Russia and China.  In my
> #view, Oehler's greatest sin was not in arriving at these assessments,
> #but in sharing them with a critical Congress.
>
> Silver Bullets
>
> As the Committee was conducting numerous threat assessment hearings in
> 1996, I was approached by some DOE lab employees who suggested that I
> should get a briefing on some startling Russian strategic developments
> that had recently come to light.  Given the sensitive nature of this
> brief, I would have to request it first.  When the Department became
> aware of my interest, it prevented the expert on this subject from
> coming to brief me.   Soon,  I  received a 3 sentence, unsigned note
> urging me to pursue that briefing.  Only after challenging the
> Department repeatedly was I able to get that briefing -- accompanied
> by agency message masters.   Jack Daly
>
> On April 4, 1997, Lt. Jack Daly, a Navy intelligence officer serving
> on a joint U.S.-Canadian surveillance mission near Seattle, was shot
> in the eye with a laser beam while monitoring a Russian ship thought
> to be tracking our submarine fleet. The incident prompted a search of
> the ship days later, but our State Department provided twenty-four
> hour warning of the investigation which may have enabled the removal
> of the laser equipment.  Only public areas were allowed to be
> searched.
>
> Because this incident was perceived to be a potential stumbling block
> in our relations with Russia, it was kept secret for weeks and efforts
> were made within the Defense and State Departments to cover it up. The
> State Department never issued a formal demarche.  The Canadian pilot,
> also injured by the laser, was never interviewed.  This was not some
> low-level affair - it was discussed in the White House and involved
> National Security Assistant Bob Bell and Undersecretary Strobe
> Talbott. Daly's superior told him "You don't know the pressure I am
> under to sweep this under the rug." Fortunately, the story was broken
> by Washington Times reporter Bill Gertz, who exposed more details
> about it is his recent book Betrayal. While no acknowledgement has
> been made to this day that the Russians attacked a U.S. military
> officer, the fleet monitoring ships was ordered to wear eye protection
> against lasers. When he wrote me pressing for further investigation of
> this matter, Daly suffered professionally for pursuing this matter.
> Prior to the incident, he had received his highest rating for
> promotion ever.  After the incident, that rating was reversed, and it
> became the worst evaluation of his career.  He is now approaching his
> second review for promotion - and his career hangs in the balance.
> Mr. Chairman, I ask that you bring Lt. Daly and the Canadian pilot in
> for testimony following today's session, and that all Members join me
> in expressing our support for a fair review of Lt. Daly's promotion.
>
> DOE analsyts/CTBT
>
> At a time when Congress was still questioning the validity of the
> Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, I obtained a copy of a DOE "gag order"
> on one of the labs preventing circulation of documents without
> approval, and requiring notification prior to any congressional
> interactions.    I took Secertary Federico Pena to task for this
> action, and called on him to protect the sharing of CTBT information
> with Congress.
>
> Mr. Chairman, I could continue on with these horror stories, and I
> know that each of the witnesses can speak for many others. But I want
> to point out that I have been equally supportive of many agency people
> doing great jobs in a manner satisfactory to the Administration -- and
> I have not hesitated to applaud those individuals.  I have on several
> occasions written to agency heads to applaud the work of professionals
> who help us do our job.
>
> But today we must hear those whose voices have been shut out of the
> policy-making process.  I know that none of our witnesses set out to
> embarrass the Administration -- they would have much preferred to
> quietly do their jobs with the professional support and courtesy they
> deserve.  I also wish that this Administration had the courage of its
> convictions to justify its policies without resorting to the
> destruction of all conflicting information and those who deliver it.
> As long as our government snuffs out selective data, we will always
> question the soundness of its policies.  That is no way for a
> democracy to survive.
>
> The spinmeisters are going to try and convince the public that this is
> partisan political theater, because they want to deflect from the
> message we are hearing. Every one of us has a responsibility to hear
> what these professionals have to say, and more important, to support
> them when they are being unjustly attacked.   This is not the first
> time Congress has heard the testimony of whistleblowers, nor will it
> be the last.   As Chairman of the Commerce Committee, for example,
> Congressman Dingell frequently pursued similar cases  and provided
> whistleblowers a forum to make Congress aware of troubling agency
> developments.  I commend those efforts.  Likewise, I think we should
> lend strong, bipartisan support to such hearings in this Congress --
> because the message we are hearing is not partisan, it's just the
> facts.
>
> I urge Members to listen to these stories, and to come together on a
> bipartisan basis to establish additional protections for those who
> suffer due to policy disagreements.  I am now considering some options
> to protect those dealing with classified matters  and seek the support
> and advice of each Committee member.  Thank you.
>
>
>
>
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Rep. Curt Weldon (R-Pa.-7th)

E-Mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
WWW: www.house.gov/curtweldon
Phone: (202) 225-2011
Fax: (202) 225-8137
Address:
2452 Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515
District Office: Upper Darby
District Phone: 610-259-0700

Hometown: Aston
Previous Occupation: Educator
Education: BA West Chester Univ., 1969

Term: 7th
Committees:
• Select Committee on US National Security
and Military Commercial Concerns with
the People's Republic of China
• Science
• Armed Services


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