-Caveat Lector-

Archives Unearthed in Paraguay Expose U.S. Allies' Abuses
August 11, 1999
http://www.nytimes.com/library/world/americas/081199paraguay-archives.html

By DIANA JEAN SCHEMO

SUNCION, Paraguay -- When Mart�n Almada asked a judge for records of his
arrest under the dictatorship of Gen. Alfredo Stroessner, he hoped merely to
learn more about his own private tragedy: nearly four years of captivity,
during which the police telephoned his wife so she would hear his screams
under torture.

Instead, the one-time schoolteacher unearthed a mountain of records
detailing repression among United States-backed military regimes throughout
South America during the cold war. From floor to ceiling, five tons of
reports and photos detailed the arrest, interrogation and disappearance of
thousands of political prisoners during General Stroessner's 35-year
dictatorship.

The documents trace the creation and work of Operation Condor, a secret plan
among security forces in six countries to crush left-wing political dissent.

Paraguayans quickly named the files the "archives of terror." Though
discovered six years ago, the files have gained new prominence throughout
Latin America with the arrest of Chile's former dictator, Gen. Augusto
Pinochet, in London last October. To this day, they remain the only
extensive collection of public records of a project by the region's military
rulers that succeeded in exterminating thousands of political opponents.

The files have given a kind of vindication to survivors, their families and
the families of those dead and missing by delivering concrete proof of a
darkly secretive era.

The archives have also provided fodder for the developing case against
General Pinochet, the only one of the region's dictators to face the
prospect of trial. General Stroessner remains a fugitive from justice living
in Brazil.

Baltazar Garz�n, the Spanish magistrate seeking the extradition of General
Pinochet from England, has collected more than 1,500 pages of evidence from
the archives. Last December, he requested records on Hugo Banzer, the
current President of Brazil, who ran the military regime there from 1971 to
1978, and on General Stroessner.

"This documentation might exist in other countries as well, but it's hidden,
while in Paraguay they didn't manage to hide it all," Juan Garc�s, the
lawyer who brought suit against General Pinochet, said in a telephone
interview from Madrid.

"It proves that there was an organization with a structure and discipline
that didn't only exchange information but committed criminal acts," he said.

Intelligence sharing between Washington's allies in South America did not
begin with Operation Condor, but the plan formalized and deepened
cooperation among police and military forces that had taken power in six
countries: Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, Uruguay and Bolivia.

After Gen. Manuel Contreras of Chile invited security chiefs to create "the
basis of an excellent coordination and improved action" at a meeting in
November 1975, police forces from member countries began to operate in each
others' jurisdictions. Their new ties allowed security officials to take
part in joint interrogations, to pursue people across borders and to order
surveillance on citizens who sought asylum in other nations.

Trained during the cold war at the School of the Americas in Panama, the
officials viewed their enemy as Communism, backed by Moscow in a subversive
war without frontiers. To prevail, governments too would have to work across
borders, they said.

The security threats were not entirely imagined. Rebels like the Montoneros
in Argentina did aim to destabilize some governments. But in other countries
there were no rebel movements, and military regimes used the club of
anti-Communism to snuff out any calls for democracy or labor rights.

In Chile, General Pinochet had overthrown the democratically elected
President, Salvador Allende Gossens, a Socialist, and hunted down his
Cabinet officials and supporters. Among them was Orlando Letelier, who died
when his car exploded on a street in Washington, also killing his American
aide, Ronni Moffitt.

According to a 1979 Senate Foreign Relations report, which remains
classified, the killings of Gen. Carlos Prats of Chile and Gen. Juan Jos�
Torres of Bolivia in Argentina were also reportedly the work of Operation
Condor, as was the attempted assassination of a Chilean Senator, Bernardo
Leighton, in Italy.

In Paraguay, the targets of General Stroessner included members of a rival
faction in the governing Colorado Party, doctors who refused to cover up
torture and Almada, who criticized the educational system in his
dissertation.

"They said I was an intellectual terrorist," Almada said. He blames the
Paraguayan police for the death of his 33-year-old wife, who suffered a
heart attack and died after hearing his screams over the telephone.

Two of the thousands of cases contained in the archives are those of Gladys
Sannemann and Agust�n Goiburu, physicians in Asunci�n who refused to falsify
an autopsy to show that a man beaten to death under police custody in 1958
had died of natural causes. Instead, Dr. Sannemann took the cadaver to her
medical school in Asunci�n and performed a proper autopsy before her
students.

"Practically from that moment it began," said Dr. Sannemann, an immunologist
who is now 69 and practicing here in Asunci�n. The challenge marked her out
for the Stroessner regime.

Seeking safety, Dr. Sannemann and her husband, Rodolfo Jorge, fled to Brazil
in 1963, a year before the military seized power there, and then moved to
Argentina. But in March 1976, the military took power in Argentina as well.

Hours after the coup, the Argentine police abducted Dr. Sannemann and
tortured her at the Escuela Mec�nica in Buenos Aires. Dr. Sannemann said she
was bound and plunged into a bathtub of vomit and excrement.

"They accused me of killing a patient in my office," Dr. Sannemann said,
calling the charge "a total lie." Then the police falsely accused her of
selling drugs, she said. A week later, Dr. Sannemann's husband was abducted
and tortured as well.

Dr. Sannemann landed at the Emboscada camp for political prisoners in
Paraguay, where she treated more than 400 fellow prisoners from several
South American countries, including women whose husbands had been executed
and their children. The women, she said, had been imprisoned to silence
them.

Dr. Sannemann and her husband were eventually given asylum in Germany in
1997 after the German Government pressed Argentina to bring about their
release.

The fate of Dr. Goiburu, who also refused to whitewash torture, remained a
mystery until the archives were opened. In 1977, he was kidnapped from a
street in Missiones, an Argentine town where he had gone to escape the
Stroessner regime. The Government steadily denied any knowledge of Dr.
Goiburu's disappearance to his wife, Elba Elisa Ben�tez de Goiburu.

The archives, however, contained surveillance reports and photos of the
doctor's house and office, and showed that eliminating him had become a
priority for General Stroessner.

General Stroessner declined repeated requests for comment.

Mrs. Goiburu said she had no doubt that it was Condor that had taken the
life of her husband, though he has never been found.

The archives do not detail Washington's role in cold war repression here.
Along with documents surfacing elsewhere, however, they suggest that United
States officials backed Condor nations not only with military aid, but also
with information. Last month, the United States declassified 20,000 pages of
documents from the cold war era, mostly involving Chile. Some have made
their way to Judge Garz�n.

The archives here show that a United States military official, Col. Robert
Thierry, apparently helped draw up the apparatus of the police state as he
trained police officers for the Technical Section soon after General
Stroessner seized power here in 1954. A relative, Margaret Van Skike,
located in Galveston, Tex., said that Colonel Thierry died several years
ago.

Earlier this year, the Federal Bureau of Investigation released a document
confirming that it had provided the Pinochet regime with information about
Jorge Isaac Fuentes de Alarc�n, the leader of a leftist movement in Chile
who, the archives here show, was first seized and interrogated by Paraguayan
agents. F.B.I. officers checked addresses in the United States found in
Fuentes's personal phone book and gave the results and information on
Fuentes's questioning in Paraguay to the Pinochet regime. Fuentes
disappeared in Chilean custody.

The archives include friendly letters, law enforcement magazines and books
sent by the F.B.I. to Paraguayan police officials. In one letter, the F.B.I.
director, Clarence M. Kelley, wishes Pastor Coronel, the head of the
Department of Investigations who is now serving a 25-year sentence for
torture, "a truly joyous Christmas and a New Year filled with all the good
things you so richly deserve." Kelley died two years ago.


The archives also shed light on the killing of Letelier in Washington. Two
weeks before the assassination, General Contreras requested $600,000 from
the Pinochet Government, in a memo, for "the neutralization of the Governing
Junta's principal adversaries overseas, especially in Mexico, Argentina,
Costa Rica, the United States, France and Italy."

Earlier this year, the F.B.I. defended the sharing of information with Chile
as standard practice among law enforcement agencies of governments friendly
to Washington. A State Department spokesman declined to comment on the
record of United States cooperation with the South American dictatorships,
saying it was "ancient history."

The discovery of the archives in 1992, coming as Paraguayans tackled their
first democratic presidential elections, brought euphoria at first.

Victims of the dictatorship flocked to the police station at Lambar�, 15
miles outside the capital. Gloria Estrago, a former political prisoner who
is now a judge, said she imagined an old friend who vanished in police
custody, Mario Sher Prono, calling out to her, "Here's proof of what
happened to me."

But for many, early exhilaration has given way to disillusionment. Key
documents published in newspapers days after their discovery vanished from
the archives.

"There's no doubt they have been sanitized," said Rosa Palau, the director
of the archives. The archives, at least now, contain no direct accounts of
tortures or deaths, only of prisoners whom the police arrested but never
released, and formulaic confessions that say nothing about the methods used
to obtain them.

Only five officials here have been convicted for torturing and killing
Paraguayans who challenged the Stroessner dictatorship. None have the
security forces' code of silence. Nobody has said where the bodies are
buried.


Mrs. Goiburu said the present Government had pressed her to drop efforts to
find her husband's killer, as well as a lawsuit against General Stroessner
for her husband's disappearance. Recently, Paraguay's new President, Luis
Gonz�lez Macchi, dismissed her from her job representing the Ministry of
Education and Culture in a national professional association. The
dictatorship is over, the widow said, but the reflexes of terror linger on.

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