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------- Forwarded Message Follows -------
From:                   "Michael Albert" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To:                     <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject:                ZNet Commentary / Aug 29 / David Peterson / Between the guns 
and the wall...
Date sent:              Sat, 28 Aug 1999 21:15:14 +0100

Here is today's ZNet Commentary Delivery from David Peterson.

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------------------------------------------


"BETWEEN THE GUNS AND THE WALL":
EAST TIMORESE GO TO THE POLLS, TERROR THEIR RELENTLESS SHADOW
By David Peterson

Shortly before noon on April 6, several truckloads of the Red And White
Iron militia rolled up outside a church where hundreds of people had fled
seeking sanctuary. "Get out of the church!" the gun- and machete-wielding
gangsters shouted. Then mayhem. The crackle of automatic weapons firing
into the crowd. Cries of agony and cries of terror. And bodies falling
everywhere, some hacked to pieces, some with their faces unsurgically
removed. More than 50 people died that day on the church grounds. All of
them murdered in plain view of military and police forces that did nothing
to prevent the slaughter, but later promised to "look into it."

Izbica? Bela Crvka? Racak? No. This particular "crime against humanity"
did not occur in any of the Kosovo towns whose names have been etched in
the official memory because the so-called international community "saw
horrors reminiscent of Nazi Germany being revisited on the continent of
Europe at the end of the 20th century" (Britain's Tony Blair)--and taking
their cue, the Western media trained everyone's eyes there.

Rather it occurred in a town few people had ever heard of before, called
Liquica, in a part of the world that's as far from the U.S. media's radar
screens as any place has the right to be--East Timor.

Indonesia's torture of East Timor began in 1975, following the Carnation
Revolution in Portugal, a leftist coup that led to the breakup of the
Portuguese Empire, Angola, Mozambique, and East Timor included. Billions
of dollars worth of undeveloped oil and natural gas reserves lie both on-
and off-shore the half-island territory, located some 300 miles north of
the Australian city of Darwin. But whereas an independent East Timor has
always possessed the potential to turn into a "democratic Kuwait" or a
"democratic Brunei," as the Indonesian scholar George J. Aditjondro
observes, a re-conquered East Timor, subjugated by neighboring Indonesia
on behalf of the international energy sector and the Western powers, gave
both Indonesia and Australia the chance to capture these reserves for
themselves.

>From the beginning, Indonesia's December 1975 invasion of East Timor was
accepted and even assisted by the United States and its allies,
particularly Australia. Remember: This was shortly after the United States
withdrew its forces from Indochina; Washington was not about to watch
another Southeast Asian territory assert its independence, no matter how
small and insignificant it seemed.

U.S. arms and economic aid flooded Indonesia in the late 1970s, the period
when it was committing its worst atrocities against the East Timorese. Put
simply, Washington liked what Suharto's fanatically anti-Communist rule
meant both for Indonesia and for the larger Asian-Pacific region. As one
academic treatment of the story notes, Suharto ran Indonesia more "as if
it were a corporation than a nation"--and Western investors appreciated
the fact. In turn, the contributions that Suharto's "New Order" made to
the region's pro-Western alignment also made Suharto's own bloodshed and
dictatorial rule perfectly acceptable in the West's eyes. Just as it would
later provide the West with sufficient incentives to allow him to take
over East Timor, and lend support to his regime whenever it floundered.

Then in May 1998 Suharto suddenly fell from grace, and his regime
collapsed. At the time the Indonesian economy was reeling from a financial
crisis that had begun in the Thai currency markets the previous summer,
later spreading to several of the more "open" Asian-Pacific economies and
beyond. By March, 1998, the Indonesian rupiah had depreciated by 90
percent, as capital fled the country and its foreign reserves plummeted.
With this far deeper and more serious replay of the 1994-95 Mexican
Meltdown sweeping across the region, the I.M.F. offered Indonesia a $43
billion bailout package. But the I.M.F. made delivery of the funds
conditional on changes that would strike at the vast empire of family,
military, and ruling party corruption sarcastically known as Suharto,
Inc.--and Suharto wasn't biting. Summing up both Indonesia's own
predicament and the I.M.F.-bloc's real fears, Business Week alluded to a
"modern 'domino effect', the "possibility that countries such as Indonesia
could fall away from the U.S. fold of free-market capitalism and open
trade. That would cost the I.M.F. plenty in credibility and perhaps lead
South Korea and Thailand to renegotiate their own bailout packages" (March
23, 1998).

Suharto's dogged resistance to I.M.F. dictates led to his precipitous loss
of support within the I.M.F.-bloc--Washington in particular. Washington's
response was to step up its training and involvement with the Indonesian
military--always the real power behind the "New Order"--while it ushered
Suharto out the back door of the Merderka Palace.

If anything, Suharto's fall has had greater consequences for East Timor
than Indonesia itself. The sudden collapse of the Suharto regime raised
within both Indonesia and the governments that had most strongly supported
it questions about the cost-effectiveness of allowing his successor to
maintain Indonesia's grip on East Timor. In short order, the Habibie
presidency began to make noises about the possibility of reviewing the
status of East Timor, perhaps even cutting it loose. Negotiations toward
this end between the governments of Indonesia and Portugal led to the
signing of an agreement in New York City on May 5 of this year--an
"historic opportunity to resolve the question of East Timor," Secretary
General Kofi Annan rightly called it.

Under the terms of May 5 agreement, acceptance of the "special autonomy"
option would compel the U.N. to recognize East Timor as Indonesia's "27th
province," just as the Indonesians have claimed it to be since 1976. A
"special autonomy" vote would also remove the question of the status of
East Timor from the U.N. agenda, once and for all (Article 5).

Rejection promises to be a stickier matter--and a much bloodier one as
well. If voters reject the "special autonomy" option, the New York
agreement binds the Indonesian Government to "take the constitutional
steps necessary to terminate its links with East Timor thus restoring
under Indonesian law the status East Timor held prior to 17 July 1976"
(Article 6)--so-called Integration Day in Indonesia's version of history,
the day on which Indonesia annexed the territory in a move the U.N. has
never recognized.

Thus rejection of "special autonomy" means independence from Indonesia,
and eventual statehood for East Timor. At least that's what it should
mean--after perhaps a three- or five-year transition period during which
time the U.N. would have to remain actively engaged in the territory.

But what the May 5 agreement says, and how the competing powers ultimately
will enforce it, are not necessarily the same thing.

Since the Habibie Government first seriously broached the possibility of a
referendum in late January, a highly-organized campaign of political
terror has been waged by as many as two dozen "militia" groups against
East Timor's pro-independence faction--the vast majority of its 800,000
people, in fact. That the militias have the backing of the Indonesian
National Army (TNI) is beyond doubt. Since they emerged, they have acted
with what Amnesty International and several other international observers
call "almost total impunity," often in plain view of Indonesian security
forces that not only do nothing to stop their rampages, but sometimes lend
their support to them.

Of course, the May 5 agreement does call on the "appropriate Indonesian
security authorities" to establish an "environment devoid of violence and
other forms of intimidation" prior to the ballot (Annex III). But
Indonesia has observed this responsibility almost strictly in the breach
rather than in actual fact. As U.N. Special Representative for East Timor
Ian Martin said just days before the scheduled referendum, "The security
criteria have clearly not been fulfilled or indeed each of them
individually met fully." Indonesian police repeatedly fail to arrest
militia members who carry weapons "outside the designated cantonment
area." And those TNI personnel "who have been most closely and obviously
associated with the militia activities" have not been removed from their
positions.

Acting with "almost total impunity," the militias have murdered several
hundred East Timorese this year alone, often in a spectacularly brutal
fashion. Several different militia groups have also staged a series of
attacks on U.N. convoys and offices operating in the territory. And just
days before the referendum, Indonesian military jets buzzed a church
compound in Maliana, a site where close to 3,000 refugees had fled to seek
shelter from the local militia. A total of 60,000 people (maybe more) have
been driven from their homes. No credible source claims that anything less
than a climate of terror and intimidation reigns in East Timor today. As
one farmer who with his family had fled to the U.N. headquarters in Dili
asked a reporter for the Washington Post, "How can they hold a vote if we
are too scared to go to the polling booth?"

The question is worth pondering, whatever the outcome of the referendum.
However reminiscent of Nazi Germany, the horrors of East Timor have not
only failed to evoke that newfound "humanitarian" conscience which the
West now struts and preens before the world. But they have gone largely
unnoticed as well. Indeed, largely and willfully ignored.


A<>E<>R
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