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STRATFOR.COM
Global Intelligence Update
September 10, 1999

Checkmate Nears for Yeltsin

Summary:

Russian President Boris Yeltsin has now been directly
implicated in one of several corruption scandals currently
engulfing the Kremlin. Despite rumors, Yeltsin is unlikely to
resign from office over the scandals, retaining presidential
immunity. This immunity will soon evaporate, however, with
presidential elections scheduled for next May, leaving him three
choices - flee the country, choose a sympathetic successor, or
declare a state of emergency, canceling the elections. The latter
would provide the ultimate justification - in Russia and abroad -
for his removal and the purge of his allies.


Analysis:

Amid a storm of scandals engulfing his administration, Russian
President Boris Yeltsin has long been suspected of being personally
involved in illegal activity. His presumably biased Russian
political foes have accused Yeltsin of wrongdoing, leaving rumors
to float freely in international circles. But now, according to the
September 8 edition of the Washington Post, Swiss investigators
have directly linked Yeltsin to one of the burgeoning number of
Russian corruption scandals - to the tune of $1 million. The Post
cited law enforcement authorities investigating the Mabetex scandal
as alleging the Swiss construction firm provided credit cards for
Yeltsin and his two daughters, backed up by $1 million deposited in
a Hungarian bank account. Yeltsin himself reportedly denied the
allegations during a September 8 telephone conversation with U.S.
President Bill Clinton.

For the time being, the alleged bribe is less important than the
fact that Yeltsin has been unambiguously linked to the scandal.
Already most of the group of close Yeltsin advisors, senior
administration members and supporters collectively known as the
"Family" are under investigation for alleged involvement in one or
more of the major scandals now facing the Kremlin
[ http://www.stratfor.com/SERVICES/GIU/090299.ASP ]. These include
allegedly laundering billions of dollars - some possibly from IMF
loans - through New York banks, using IMF funds for international
currency market speculations, skimming profits from the state
airline Aeroflot, and accepting bribes from Mabetex.

The Russian officials, their family members and friends under
investigation now number nearly 800. Moreover, investigators are
reportedly uncovering links between the scandals, effectively
painting the whole Yeltsin administration as one boundless
kleptocracy. With Yeltsin himself under investigation, the question
immediately rises, will he remain in office for the duration of his
term and if so, what then?

Yeltsin has a few options - none of them good.  He is unlikely to
step down before the end of his term. Under the Russian
constitution Yeltsin is immune from prosecution as long as he
remains in office. In addition, retaining the presidency keeps
levers at his disposal with which he can interfere in the
investigations. He has already apparently used those levers,
attempting to dismiss Prosecutor General Yuri Skuratov and
"reassigning" investigator Georgy Chuglazov just before he was to
travel to Switzerland to review evidence in the Mabetex case. The
Duma could attempt to impeach Yeltsin, but the Duma's previous
failed attempt took 10 months from initial discussion to final
vote. With Duma elections slated for December and presidential
elections scheduled for next May, there is little time for formal
proceedings.

Assuming Yeltsin has no desire or intention to submit himself for
prosecution, he has three options before next year's presidential
election. He can flee the country - a risk with no guarantees,
considering the Russian security services. The security apparatus
is apparently fueling these scandals and would no doubt be watching
for such a move.

Alternately, he could attempt to affect the election of a
sympathetic successor who might theoretically protect him once his
immunity ends. Yeltsin's ability to pick his successor, however,
has been eroded by Russia's dismal economic situation and the
snowballing scandals. Public support from Yeltsin is generally
considered to be a political kiss of death.

Moreover, he will be tempted to try to cast the blame on others in
order to shake off the scandals and regain the ability to influence
the vote in his favor. He will most likely point to the Family
itself. Kremlin property manager Pavel Borodin is a leading suspect
in the Mabetex scandal, and thus a possible target for redirected
recrimination. Presidential Chief of Staff Alexander Voloshin is
another potential scapegoat, with rumors already floating in Russia
that he is due to lose his job.

The problem with this strategy is the possibility of Family members
striking back, especially if they feel taking the blame is more
than a mere formality. When oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky began to
take heat for the Bank of New York money laundering allegations, he
quickly suggested that the money transfers could have been an
attempt by Russian leaders to save their personal fortunes in
advance of economic collapse. This allegation fed a new
investigation of some 780 Russian officials - including Anatoly
Chubais - for possible illegal insider trading of government
securities.

Unable to flee or to ensure his security through a loyal successor,
Yeltsin is left only with "extra-constitutional" measures with
which to attempt to save himself. His political foes have already
warned that Yeltsin could attempt to use the conflict in Dagestan
or bombings in Moscow as justification for declaring a state of
emergency and indefinitely postponing the December Duma and/or the
May presidential elections.

This may be just what those in the security apparatus have in mind.
Rather than take extra-constitutional steps of their own against
Yeltsin, they may simply let him bring himself and his allies down.
In the short term, Yeltsin and the Family are consumed with the
allegations, unable to do much beyond look to their own survival.
This hands control of domestic issues to those in the
administration outside Yeltsin's inner circle and untainted by the
scandals, notably Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, Defense Minister
Igor Sergeyev and Interior Minister Vladimir Rushailo.

Additionally, Yeltsin's foes can only benefit by letting the Family
publicly feed on itself. Not only are the scandals fully
discrediting Yeltsin and the Family, but also Yeltsin's allies in
the West, who for their own reasons are downplaying the
allegations. The West is being accused of contributing to and
benefiting from the Yeltsin regime's corruption, while
simultaneously abandoning him and attempting to demean Russia by
spreading allegations of corruption.

What has emerged is a picture of a duplicitous West and its
thieving cronies in the Kremlin. Yeltsin is unable to protect
himself constitutionally past the presidential elections next May.
His few interim options are self destructive, further discrediting
the Family and his Western allies. All that remains, short of
fleeing in the night or surrendering to prosecution, is to cancel
the elections. This attempt to circumvent the constitution would
provide the final justification - in Russia and abroad - for
whatever steps are subsequently taken to remove Yeltsin from
office. Checkmate.

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