-Caveat Lector-

Wednesday, October 6, 1999     26 Tishri 5760   Updated Wed., Oct. 06 11:49
http://www.jpost.com/Features/Article-38.html
Egypt the new enemy?
By ARIEH O'SULLIVAN


(August 13) -- The army doesn't want to say it out loud, but behind closed
doors the IDF is changing its attitude about Egypt --

This past spring, the Egyptian Armed Forces made a deal to purchase 10,800
rounds of 120mm smoothbore KEW-A1 ammunition for its M1A1 battle tanks. Just
another arms purchase in the Middle East, only the KEW-A1 is a new version
of the armor-piercing "silver bullet" made out of depleted uranium and said
to be able to defeat any armor system on earth.

The US used the depleted uranium rounds with deadly efficiency in the Gulf
War, where 4,000 Iraqi tanks and armored vehicles were destroyed and
battlefields are still ticking with radioactivity, according to the
Christian Science Monitor.

The DU rounds have long been in the IDF's arsenal, the Christian Science
Monitor says. But now that Egypt is getting them, well, that's probably
enough to make the boys in IDF intelligence sit up, not to mention the crews
of Israel's vaunted Merkava tanks.

Twenty years of "cold peace" have never eliminated the deep-rooted
insecurities and mutual distrust between the IDF and Egyptian armed forces.
While the peace treaty has given the IDF some breathing space in its
planning, the military has never taken its eye off our southern neighbor and
war plans still call for a hefty reserve force to be set aside for dealing
with Egypt, no matter where the confrontation breaks out.

THE tank-round deal came after the Clinton administration agreed to sell
Egypt a $3 billion arms package that included 24 advanced F-16D fighter
jets, 200 more M1 Abrams tanks (to be assembled in Egypt) and a PAC-3
Patriot air-defense missile system that even Israel hasn't received yet.
Like Israel, Egypt will use its annual $1.3 billion US military aid to pay
for the weapons.

Actually, since 1979, Egypt has received more than $35 billion in US
military aid and economic assistance and spent some $25 billion on arms.
It's armed forces are midway through a 10-year modernization plan and nearly
half of its 3,100 tanks are Western, including 555 M1s, according to Jane's
World Armies.

Eleven of its 12 divisions are now fully mechanized or armored and it has
cut its army personnel from about 600,000 to 310,000 over the past 20 years,
carrying through efforts to build a mobile and efficient force, according to
Jane's.

But Egypt's most impressive achievement has been its air force, which the
Middle East Military Balance described as undergoing "the most far-reaching
transformation of any air arm in the Middle East."

Egypt has about 200 F-16s of the advanced C and D class and some two dozen
Mirage 2000 interceptors. The rest of its air force is an assortment of
older MiG 21s, F-4s and old Mirage fighters.

"Egyptian aircraft are equipped with such interception-enhancement
precision-guided munitions systems as infrared and advanced electromagnetic
missiles, which Israeli aircraft do not have," the Military Balance writes.

It added that the Egyptian air force was a "potent deterrence" and that
Israel would have to take Egypt into consideration even if it was not
directly involved in hostilities on another front. It also noted that
Egypt's air power had the capability to block Mediterranean or Red Sea
shipping routes, a factor which cannot be lost on historians who know that
the '56 and '67 wars with Egypt were started as a result of a sea blockade
on the Jewish state.

The Egyptian navy, too, is considered the most powerful in the Eastern
Mediterranean. It recently acquired four Perry-class frigates and its
corvettes are armed with SM-1 standard surface-to-air missiles, MK-46
anti-submarine torpedoes and some have anti-ship Harpoon missiles that are
actually more advanced than those in the Israeli navy. Its large vessels
enable the Egyptian navy to transport large numbers of forces to distant
places.

WHILE other navies around the world, like the Indonesian navy, have
purchased sophisticated equipment only to see it rust because they did not
have the properly trained personnel to operate it, Egypt is not believed to
suffer from that problem.

Egypt, of course, has had surface-to-surface missiles since early 1973 and
has two missile brigades today, one with Scud Bs and the other with FROG-7s.
Some reports say that Egypt has acquired the Scud C, which puts anywhere in
Israel under its range.

Israeli commanders describe the improvements undertaken by the Egyptian
military as nothing less than "amazing" and "scary."

A few years ago, Egypt was a very marginal actor in the IDF threat
assessment. But slowly Egypt has been moving front and center, and its
increasingly sophisticated and Western military today represents, on paper,
the biggest conventional military danger to the IDF - a status derived from
an IDF decision to take into account the risk of a possible conflagration
with Egypt.

IDF commanders are reluctant to speak publicly of the Egyptian arms buildup
since the two countries are formally at peace. But privately they have
expressed concern over the aggressive character of the buildup.

The IDF is caught in a double bind. It sees the Egyptian army preparing to
fight, yet is hesitant to call Egypt an enemy out of fear of turning it into
one.

"It is unlikely that Egypt is developing this gigantic system against Libya
and Sudan. What worries those in the military is the level of intention and
the direction the Egyptian military buildup is taking. Most of all is the
fact that peace remains thin and is largely a government-to-government
interaction," says Shai Feldman, head of Tel Aviv University's Jaffee Center
for Strategic Studies.

"There is another problem," says Feldman. "Risks of this kind have always
been associated with self-fulfilling prophecies."

"This is precisely why dialogue between security establishments is so
important. This is why we have formally and informally been pleading for a
security dialogue with the Egyptians. We have it with the Jordanians. We
don't have it with the Egyptians," he says.

Scars run deep in military intelligence. Following the 1973 Yom Kippur War,
IDF commanders sidelined intelligence assessments - which failed miserably
to predict the surprise attack - and roughly asked for the facts: Don't tell
us what you think they are going to do, just tell us what they have. But
this gruff attitude didn't last long. Peace was made and "intention" and
"probability" returned to the lexicon.

PROF. Barry Rubin, deputy director of the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic
Studies at Bar-Ilan University, said that over the past decade Israel has
gone through an important doctrinal change in the way it defines its chief
threats.

"One of the basic fallacies in military thinking is: 'There must be a
threat. What is the best candidate for a threat? Obviously the Egyptians are
in the best shape of any Arab military in the Middle East. Therefore it is a
threat.' This kind of thinking is dangerous and counterproductive," Rubin
said.

Today, there is a need to prove that a neighboring force poses a clear and
present danger.

The main clear and present danger for Israel today, consensus holds, is from
a non-neighboring state like Iran using weapons of mass destruction,
probably with medium-range ballistic missiles.

Nevertheless, no military man likes watching Egypt spend $1.3 billion a year
for modern weapons. Still, IDF intelligence believes that Egypt has no clear
interest in a war with Israel.

Some IDF circles even believe that Egypt's strong strategic relationship
with the US creates a sense of dependence in Cairo and injects conservatism.

"The probability of war with Egypt," they say, "is close to zero." But this
could change if:

1. Israel goes to war with Syria and Egypt sees this as Israeli aggression.
It could then join in an Arab coalition against Israel.

2. A full-scale conflict erupts between Israel and the Palestinians - a more
probable scenario - leading to total chaos, lots of bloodshed and possible d
amage to holy sites, which will put the entire Mideast peace process at
risk. It's expected in intelligence circles that Egypt, which blazed the
trail to peace with the Jewish state and suffered isolation because of it,
would step in firmly on the Palestinians' side.

3. A fundamentalist coup occurs in Egypt, an uncontrollable event.

ALTHOUGH Egypt is a more secular state than other Moslem-dominated
countries, the clash between Islamic fundamentalism and more moderate
influences poses a serious threat to the country's internal stability. With
no clear successor to President Hosni Mubarak, the potential for instability
there remains high, creating even more uncertainty. And despite the peace
treaty, the Egyptian army has been putting heavy emphasis on offensive
training.

In 1996, the Egyptian Armed Forces fielded some 35,000 personnel in its
largest military exercise since the peace agreement was signed. Known as
"Badr 96," it included a simulated crossing of the Suez Canal. The Egyptian
declaration that the enemy fit the profile of Israel caused consternation
here, where there has been simmering concern over Egypt's ambitious military
modernization program, largely funded by US aid.

Also, while busily preparing itself for offensive action with imaginary
goals, the Egyptians have been quietly abusing, some say violating, the
peace treaty with Israel. The past two years in particular have seen a
"drastic upturn" in violations, one senior IDF commander said. For example,
the one division allowed in the Sinai peninsula is actually a skeleton of
four divisions which could quickly be filled up like a water balloon should
hostilities break out. Bridgeheads have also been constructed on the east
bank of the canal.

This is why intelligence officers are asking themselves whether Egypt is the
new enemy.

But even complaining about the violations isn't easy. "The Americans are
telling us 'Stop! You are drawing skeletons on the walls. The Egyptians are
getting angry about it,' " said one senior intelligence source.

The IDF has never given up on its doctrine to plan for a two-front
conventional war. But its desire to retire some of the old tanks in its
inventory is hampering its flexibility, made even more complicated by the
latest Egyptian behavior.

The IDF today holds two low-readiness armored divisions opposite Sinai. But
IDF draw plans call for Israel to hold back another three divisions from
another front to be shifted against Egyptian forces moving on Israel,
according to Jane's Intelligence Review.

EGYPT'S modernization has also presented the IDF with a scenario it never
had to face in the past. In all previous conflicts, the IDF's half
indigenous/half US-bought weaponry was usually superior to that of the Arab
enemy. With Egypt's increasingly Western armor, air force and navy, any
future confrontation could pit similar Western weapons against each other
for the first time in any Arab-Israeli conflict.

In such a case, the training of the personnel will prove vital. The IDF
admits that winning air superiority against the Egyptians would be "very
problematic."

OC Air Force Maj.-Gen. Eitan Ben-Eliyahu, hinting at a new Egyptian threat,
said at a June 27 briefing with military reporters that the Air Force was
taking into account the influx of advanced aircraft, both Western and
Russian, into the Middle East. "This factor has obligated us to
significantly change our entire air combat tactics," Ben-Eliyahu said.

Most people do not believe that the IDF is sophisticated enough to have
concocted a new adversary out of Egypt as a ploy to win more defense funding
from the government. Rubin notes, however, that the current view of Egypt
could be used by the IDF to reprioritize or distribute its funding.

"On the other hand," Rubin says. "This is a healthy thing because people
were mistakenly crying wolf about Syria. And as [former defense minister
Moshe] Arens correctly pointed out, Syria is not so much of a threat because
of their weaknesses. It is healthy to focus away from Syria."

Feldman believes that just because Egypt is gearing up to counter Israel it
can be considered a threat. "Both Egypt and Israel are central players in
this region and it is for this reason you have to have some military might
behind you," Feldman says.

Arms buildup is a two-way street too. "It is quite understandable that an
Egyptian gets up in the morning and sees the Israeli arsenal being
assembled. They hear from Israel that it is not against them, but how do you
convince them?" Feldman says. "Israelis said after '73 that they can't
afford to rely on intelligence analyses but rather on the capabilities of
the enemy. The Egyptians can say the same. They can say: 'We accept all of
your assurances, but we have to respond to [your capabilities].' "

"We are justified in being concerned just as much as the Egyptians are
concerned with Israel's alleged nuclear capability. The Egyptian army is
growing and modernizing and we can't ignore that. They have very weak
enemies that can't rationalize this buildup. But at the same time you can't
deduce that from this buildup it will go and attack Israel," Feldman says.

Even if this assessment were to change, possibly for some of the reasons
mentioned above, there appears to be little the IDF can do other than brace
for an attack from inside its borders.

The entry of Egyptian forces into the demilitarized Sinai is a violation of
the peace agreement, but it is not a casus belli. The entry of Israeli
forces in the Sinai, on the other hand, is a cause for war.

MOST IDF commanders believe that a preemptive strike would be out of the
question since its military benefits would be greatly diminished by its
political disadvantages. It also runs the risk of intelligence mistaking an
innocent force buildup as having aggressive intentions. And a preemptive
strike, which is losing legitimacy around the world, would paint Israel as
the aggressor and turn the conflict into a war of choice, something the IDF
knows the public would be loath to accept.

Even if a limited war did break out against the Egyptians, the IDF insists
that it has no desire to subjugate Egypt or even reconquer all of Sinai. Its
goal in any war would be to make sure no Egyptian troops remained on Israeli
soil, gain a foothold in the Sinai, push the Egyptian army back over the
Suez Canal and maintain the ability to renew fighting. The main goal would
be to avoid a war of attrition.

Such talk seems anachronistic and far away, particularly in light of the
optimism that peace may break out with Syria and the Palestinians. But this
is how the army is thinking and preparing for the future. No one in the IDF
appears to have lost sight of the fact that we live in the Middle East.

In 1980, the IAF suddenly sent pilots to the US to train on the advanced
F-16. Israel had been slated to receive the sleek fighter jet only in 1982,
but the delivery was unexpectedly moved up two years when new planes became
available. It seems that the F-16s had been ordered and built for the shah
of Iran, a close US ally. But after his overthrow by Islamic fundamentalists
the US diverted the jets to Israel.

For intelligence officers, it was a lesson never to be forgotten; that the
distance between a close ally and a fundamentalist Islamic regime is just so
short.

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