-Caveat Lector-

<<A little object lesson in how your national leaders do (and don't) get
(s)elected ... A<>E<>R >>

"" In a final revelation, the character playing the president says: "All the
words I've spoken were said to people who I saw as hating me. Politics is not
about getting people to love you. It's about getting people to hate your
opponent." ""

------- Forwarded Message Follows -------

Dear Brigade,

"[M]odern politics goes beyond simply acknowledging differences of
opinion or grudgingly accepting someone's departure from one of the two
major parties. To keep Buchanan's supporters and votes in the GOP, they
had to be separated from Buchanan. Accordingly, two leading conservative
magazines, the Weekly Standard and National Review, have tried to kick
Buchanan out of the conservative moment -- claiming that true
conservatives support free trade and internationalism... Others have gone
further. Rather than debate the issues Buchanan raised, they chose to
demonize Buchanan. Their primary vehicle was his new book on foreign
policy: A Republic, Not an Empire... "

GO PAT GO!!!!!!!!!!
Linda

-------------------------------------

Intellectual Capital Opinions
http://www.intellectualcapital.com/issues/issue310/item6835.asp

A Victim of Slander by Pat Choate
Thursday, October 14, 1999

For more than 30 years, Patrick J. Buchanan has been a central fixture in
the American political establishment, serving as aide to two presidents
(Nixon and Reagan), writing four best-selling books and hosting
"Crossfire," CNN's most popular and profitable show. For years, the
national media widely distributed Buchanan's column, and establishment
audiences constantly sought his views on the lecture circuit. Most leading
conservatives know him socially, repeatedly inviting Buchanan and his wife
to their homes and going to theirs.

Buchanan's place inside that establishment, moreover, was not threatened
by his 1992 and 1996 presidential bids, despite his divergent positions,
largely because he never had a realistic chance of winning the GOP
nomination. Republican leaders would never permit someone with Buchanan's
views to be their candidate for president. But so long as he remained a
Republican, the GOP could harvest the votes of his supporters -- the old
political bait and switch.

But for bait and switch to succeed, a degree of finesse is required. By
1999 GOP leaders have proven themselves desperate to pick a candidate who
could win them back control of the White House. With that anxiety, the GOP
leadership has shown their claws, an unattractive sight by any measure.

The fix is in

The GOP insiders have selected Texas Gov. George W. Bush as their man.
Consequently, he has got virtually unlimited contributions. By contrast
and in political parlance, the rest of the candidates have been
financially starved, regardless of how worthy they might be, into
submission, leaving only billionaire publisher Steve Forbes to wage a
token battle for the nomination

In this coronation process, the ideas and policies of the candidates
matter so little that there is no debate among them. Ultimately, all
that matters to GOP leaders is having a candidate who could win the
presidency. They expect all other contenders, of course, to dutifully line
up behind the chosen one.

The push for Bush is so blatant and the power politics so obvious that it
shattered all pretense of an open, fair selection process. Buchanan, or
anyone else, who wants to change existing GOP orthodoxy, has no chance for
leadership, and they know it.

Protest could be lethal. In early 1999, an example was made of Sen. Bob
Smith (I-NH) when he bolted the GOP. Old friends suddenly became foes, and
the party that Smith faithfully served for decades denounced him in the
crudest terms.

Getting Pat

The same fate threatens to befall Buchanan. Yet, Buchanan has an
advantage. He is a man of ideas. He reads history. He writes books and
debates philosophy. He cares about policies. For him to passively accept
the intellectual and political paralysis implicit in Bush's candidacy --
and even worse, a Bush presidency, would be to deny all that.

Fortunately for Buchanan, a path to the presidency exists that is not
through the GOP and Democratic nominations -- the Reform Party whose
platform is close to that of Buchanan's. Moreover, the party's positions
on social issues are libertarian -- that is, the Reform Party's members
respect the positions of the candidate and a specific set of beliefs is
neither a requirement nor a barrier to nomination as the party's standard
bearer.

In the summer of 1999, Buchanan began to consider changing parties. As
this became known, the GOP initially courted him to remain a Republican
and urge his supporters to back Bush. Nevertheless, as time passed and the
GOP leaders saw Buchanan seriously considering a party shift, they began
to punish him -- just as they had Smith. Former GOP Chairman Rich Bond,
for instance, openly asked Buchanan to leave the GOP. "A good riddance,"
he claimed. Others did the same.

However, modern politics goes beyond simply acknowledging differences of
opinion or grudgingly accepting someone's departure from one of the two
major parties. To keep Buchanan's supporters and votes in the GOP, they
had to be separated from Buchanan. Accordingly, two leading conservative
magazines, the Weekly Standard and National Review, have tried to kick
Buchanan out of the conservative moment -- claiming that true
conservatives support free trade and internationalism.

Others have gone further. Rather than debate the issues Buchanan raised,
they chose to demonize Buchanan. Their primary vehicle was his new book on
foreign policy: A Republic, Not an Empire.

The charge of the pundits

The problem these critics face, however, is that Buchanan's view of
history and events is acceptable to many leading historians, both here and
elsewhere. Unable to take damaging quotations directly from Buchanan's
book, his critics chose to fabricate new positions for him and then use
their concoctions to smear him. What has made this slander much more
powerful is that it came from prize-winning pundits writing in some of the
nation's most prestigious publications.

For instance, A.M. Rostenthal wrote in The New York Times (Sept. 24,
1999), "His new book does not hide his belief that it would have been
better if Nazi Germany had won the war." Yet, Buchanan neither said nor
inferred any such thing in the book.

William Safire, another New York Times columnist, told a "Meet the
Press" audience (Sept. 26, 1999): "And now with this new book,
calculated for his campaign, essentially saying that Hitler was Mr. Nice
Guy and all we had to do was let him defeat the Russians and he wouldn't
have bothered the Jews of Poland or he wouldn't have bothered the West ...
that's nutty." Buchanan, of course, never wrote anything such as this.

Robert Scheer, a contributing editor to the Los Angeles Times, wrote on
Sept. 28, 1999, "The important story last week was not that Pat Buchanan
apologized for Adolph Hitler and held the United States accountable for
the Holocaust, but rather that George W. Bush still curries the favor of
that anti-Semitic lout." Buchanan, of course, made no such apology, nor
did he hold the United States accountable for the Holocaust. Scheer made
it all up.

Others who piled on in a similar manner include Thomas Friedman of The New
York Times, Michael Kelly of the National Journal, academic Garry Wills
and Newsweek's Jonathan Alter.

Unwilling or unable to argue the thesis of Buchanan's book that U.S.
foreign policy should be limited to vital national interests, these
writers chose to discredit the author. Using their fabrications as
evidence, the pundits then labeled Buchanan an anti-Semite, fascist or
"Brown-Shirt."

The real victim of slander

Slander such as this is effective because the pundits have audiences of
millions of readers through their newspaper columns. Buchanan will be
lucky to get a fraction of that audience to read the book and see what he
really wrote. Because Buchanan is a public figure, moreover, these writers
can smear him with almost total legal immunity from the libel laws.

Political smears, of course, are nothing new in American politics. The
process is explained in a new political play now running Off-Off-Broadway,
"The Last Temptation of William Jefferson." In the performance, the
president and his wife are in couple's therapy, where they review their
relationship and career. In a final revelation, the character playing the
president says: "All the words I've spoken were said to people who I saw
as hating me. Politics is not about getting people to love you. It's about
getting people to hate your opponent."

And so it is with many of Buchanan's critics. The result is the politics
of hate and corruption.

Buchanan, of course, is the first victim of these attacks. But so too is
the idea of an open, honest presidential debate on national policy. And
with that, we all lose.

Pat Choate is a Washington-based economist, author and talk-show host, and
a contributing editor to IntellectualCapital.com. In 1996 he was the
Reform Party's vice-presidential candidate. His e-mail address is
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

-------------------  end  ---------------

Related Links

At Buchanan's campaign Web site, you can read his recent defense of his
thesis in A Republic, Not an Empire. It also includes excerpts from an
interview with British military historian Sir John Keegan on the subject.
Read what Buchanan believes on the issues at Issues2000, a nonpartisan Web
site dedicated to informing voters about the presidential candidates'
views. Read Business Week's take on "How a Buchanan Bid Would Bruise
Bush." Jewish World Review columnist Linda Chavez gave her spin on former
co- worker Buchanan in the Sept. 29 issue.

 _____

Are Republicans out of line in their criticisms of Buchanan? Are they
attacking him because of his potential electoral threat to their candidate
if he bolts to the Reform Party? Will Buchanan jump the GOP ship, and if
so, will that change help or hinder his presidential quest?

[Post your comments]

http://www.intellectualcapital.com/issues/issue310/item6835.asp

-------------  end  ---------------


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A<>E<>R
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