-Caveat Lector-
October 18, 1999
iF Magazine Editorial:
Like Father, Like Son
Most media commentary comparing former
President George H.W. Bush with his son, Texas
Gov. George W. Bush, has focused on the
contrasts. There is some logic in that.
George Bush, the elder, was a stellar student-athlete at
Andover and Yale. George Bush, the younger, was a
mediocre performer, at best.
The elder volunteered for combat in World War II, flew
missions off aircraft carriers and parachuted from a burning
plane. During the Vietnam War, the younger Bush slipped
past other applicants to snare a treasured spot in the Texas
National Guard.
Though both enjoyed privileged backgrounds -- coming from
blue-blood Yankee stock -- the elder George Bush struck out
for Texas after college and ran a moderately successful oil
business. He entered politics, won a House seat and built a
sparkling resum� of high-profile posts, including U.N.
ambassador and CIA director.
The younger Bush partied through his 20�s and 30�s. He
could be surly when drunk and apparently abused cocaine
(though he won't exactly admit it). He also lost investment
money forked over by his father's friends.
But not all the contrasts with his father are unfavorable for
the Texas governor. Journalists who travel with the younger
Bush marvel at his ease with crowds, his common touch, his
unwavering "compassionate conservative" mantra, and even
his charisma.
The elder Bush always seemed frenetic when meeting
voters, prone to clumsy phrasing -- "Message: I care" -- and
lacking that "vision thing."
Beyond the father-son differences, however, are striking
similarities that are shaping Campaign 2000 and could be
hallmarks of a Bush II presidency.
Despite their �kinder, gentler� and �compassionate�
language, both Bushes have demonstrated a ruthless streak
in playing politics. Indeed, the younger Bush learned the
secrets of hardball politics at his father's knee in the 1988
and 1992 presidential campaigns.
Bush, the senior, was always looking for the "silver bullet"
that could take out an opponent, whether fairly or not. [For
details on Bush�s campaign style, see Bush Family
Politics.]
So, it's not surprising that just as the senior Bush baited
Democrat Michael Dukakis as too lenient with black convict
Willie Horton, the younger Bush skewered Texas Gov. Ann
Richards as soft on crime in their match-up in 1994.
But first and foremost, both Bushes understand the value
of connections. The family excels at cultivating powerful
friends and building strong personal alliances.
Both Bushes learned those advantages early, entering the
secretive Skull and Bones society at Yale, mixing with
influential politicos and moving in well-heeled business
circles. Both are comfortable in clubrooms, "smoke-filled
rooms" and corporate boardrooms.
Since leaving office, President Bush has continued to
strengthen those contacts and put them to use on behalf of
his oldest son�s political ambitions.
Sometimes, that means rubbing shoulders with the great and
mighty at the Bohemian Grove or some other exclusive club.
Or it can be speaking on behalf of the Rev. Sun Myung Moon
who funds the right-wing Washington Times. [See Robert
Parry�s Lost History.]
The elder Bush knows that connections can be priceless
when trouble strikes. Bush's friends -- in politics and the
media -- shielded him when he was caught up in government
scandals during the Reagan-Bush era: from Iran-contra to
Iraqgate, from the October Surprise caper in 1980 to the
Passportgate shenanigans in 1992.
Whenever the chips were down, Bush could issue denials
and count on his allies to pull him through. The connections
guaranteed him a very large benefit of the doubt.
So, while lesser mortals were dragged before grand juries
and saw their words parsed for possible perjury, Bush could
refuse to answer questions, offer implausible excuses,
demand to be cleared of suspicions or simply walk away with
his reputation for integrity intact.
Most brazenly, Bush rebuffed Iran-contra special prosecutor
Lawrence Walsh's request for an interview in early 1993,
after Bush had pardoned six Iran-contra defendants to kill
that long-running criminal investigation. Bush's refusal to
cooperate drew barely a mention in the news media.
Through his business and political career, the younger
George Bush also grasped the power of connections. Money
was always available for business ventures as well as
campaigns.
Besides money for 2000, Gov. Bush has lined up
endorsements from two-thirds of the Republican governors
and members of Congress. [NYT, Sept. 5, 1999]
This phalanx of support steadied the Bush campaign in
August when he stumbled over questions of past cocaine
use. Bush indicated that he could deny using illegal drugs
back to his late 20�s, but balked at a flat �no.�
It seemed that he was conceding truth to the cocaine rumors,
the sort of common-sense judgment that might follow, say, a
husband telling his wife that he could deny having cheated
on her since the middle of last month.
Given Bush's support for imprisoning Texans caught
possessing cocaine, the mix of potential criminality and
hypocrisy might have sunk lesser campaigns. But not Bush�s
juggernaut.
Instead of demanding a straight answer from Bush,
conservative ethics specialists, such as William Bennett,
argued that there was no independent evidence of cocaine
use and that the "liberal media" was at fault for asking the
pesky questions in the first place.
Like a summer storm, the cocaine controversy quickly
passed. By late summer, the governor again was enjoying
the gentle press that had marked the early days of his
campaign.
As Gov. Bush could see, the greatest value of connections is
that they protect those who have them from the rules that
apply to everyone else.
Back to Front
DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER
==========
CTRL is a discussion and informational exchange list. Proselyzting propagandic
screeds are not allowed. Substance�not soapboxing! These are sordid matters
and 'conspiracy theory', with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright
frauds is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects
spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL
gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers;
be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credeence to Holocaust denial and
nazi's need not apply.
Let us please be civil and as always, Caveat Lector.
========================================================================
Archives Available at:
http://home.ease.lsoft.com/archives/CTRL.html
http:[EMAIL PROTECTED]/
========================================================================
To subscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SUBSCRIBE CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To UNsubscribe to Conspiracy Theory Research List[CTRL] send email:
SIGNOFF CTRL [to:] [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Om
