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STRATFOR.COM Global Intelligence Update
December 2, 1999


Iranian Investment in Colombia Raises Suspicion


Summary

Colombian and Iranian officials have signed an unusual agreement:
Iranians will invest $3 million in a meat-packing plant in the
heart of Colombia's rebel-held jungle. Exactly why Bogota would
encourage investment that benefits guerrillas who have fought for
more than three decades is unclear. But the implications are
extraordinary. Colombia's violent right wing will be angered. The
region will risk increased international terrorism and invigorated
trade in drugs for arms. The United States will probably sour on
the Pastrana government, which may ultimately be weakened.


Analysis

On Nov. 11, a delegation of Iranian government and business
representatives arrived in San Vicente del Caguan, a town deep in
the jungles of southern Colombia that is held by the Revolutionary
Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).
[ http://www.stratfor.com/meaf/countries/colombiairanmap.htm ] The
delegation visited to assess a site on which the Iranians will
build a meat-packing plant and slaughterhouse that would process
beef bound for Iran. The visit was the latest step in a process
that began Oct. 21, when Colombian and Iranian officials signed an
agreement committing $3 million in Iranian investment.

There is, however, one major oddity: Colombia's major cattle
production takes place on the other side of the Andes Mountains,
more than 300 miles to the northwest. Near San Vicente del Caguan
there is little but jungle. There are no major roads and precious
little infrastructure. The town is, however, in the heart of drug-
producing territory held by the FARC, the country's largest and
most successful guerrilla movement after more than three decades of
civil war.

Sizable implications will grow from this comparatively small
investment in a little town. The government of President Andres
Pastrana may push his stalled peace process forward by placating
leftist guerrillas. But the government is equally likely to spark
anger among Colombia's most violent right-wing elements. By opening
the door to Iran, the government unwittingly risks increasing the
influence of Iranian-backed terrorists in South America. From
nearly any angle, this investment will likely damage relations with
Washington.

With the apparent blessing of top Colombian officials, talks began
in the spring, when a delegation of Iranian officials and
businessmen visited the town of San Vicente del Caguan, which is in
the municipality of Caqueta. On Oct. 21, Iran's ambassador to
Colombia, Hossein Sheikh Zeineddin, and the office of San Vicente's
mayor signed the deal. Significantly, the government's top peace
negotiator with the guerrillas - peace commissioner Victor G.
Ricardo - signed the agreement, acting as guarantor.

But not everyone in the Pastrana government appears pleased;
indeed, the military seems distinctly displeased. On Nov. 27,
Colombian Defense Minister Luis Fernando Ramirez accused the
Iranians, who resisted an inspection of their baggage, of being
military advisors to the FARC, reported Agence France-Presse. Iran
has denied that it is using the investment as a cover. In Tehran,
Foreign Ministry spokesman Hamid Reza Asefi dismissed the charge as
astonishing, according to the BBC's monitoring of Iranian official
radio.

The Pastrana government's motives are unclear. One possible
explanation is that Colombia is in dire need of economic
development. In recent testimony to Congress, Undersecretary of
State Thomas Pickering described an economy in free fall. In the
midst of a recession, its economy has contracted by 5.8 percent in
the first quarter of 1999, and its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) is
forecasted to fall 3 to 4 percent by year's end. Unemployment
stands at nearly 20 percent. But the Iranian investment seems like
a poor start, improperly located even to lend any immediate help to
the country's cattle industry.

A more likely explanation is that the government is attempting to
kick-start a badly stalled peace process. By steering investment
into FARC-held territory, the government may be trying to get the
guerrillas re-engaged in negotiations. The FARC has even intimated
recently that it may not observe an upcoming Christmas cease-fire.
Ricardo's role in securing the Iranian investment suggests that
reviving the peace process is the true agenda. Another possibility
- however remote - is that Ricardo was acting on his own. The
president has remained largely silent on the entire investment
deal.

Regardless of the government's motives, the deal will undermine the
country's right-wing elements and its violent paramilitaries. The
right, too, is deeply involved in drug trafficking. And the right's
paramilitaries are increasingly believed to be behind most of the
country's politically-motivated murders. The right is not likely to
take Iranian investment very well in the territory of its sometime
business partners and longtime arch-enemies - leftist guerrillas.
The government in Bogota can expect a backlash.

The government is also cracking open the door to increased
influence by both Tehran and the terrorist movements it has
supported. South America is an important proxy battlefield for the
Middle East's struggles. There appears to be a longstanding
relationship between the FARC and the Iranian-backed Hezbollah
[ http://www.stratfor.com/SERVICES/GIU/060399.ASP ]. Hezbollah has
training camps in southern Brazil. Hezbollah has also been
implicated in attacks on the Israeli embassy and a Jewish cultural
center in Argentina.

In the current deal, any Hezbollah presence could result in an
increased flow in arms to the FARC; in turn, the FARC may find a
way to use the new Iranian connection to export cocaine. The United
States - the chief market for Colombian cocaine - is saturated.
Colombia produces 80 percent of the world's cocaine. Demand and
prices, however, are rising in other regions of the world, most
notably Russia. In exchange, Hezbollah may find a way to ship arms
from the other side of the world to Colombia.

In a much larger sense, Iran stands to reap considerable benefits:
It is now positioned to play an important role in the Western
Hemisphere's most important civil war. The Iranian ambassador said
his government hopes to aid the peace process because, after all,
it does not need the additional beef, reported the Colombian weekly
publication Semana on Nov. 10. Iran gains a toehold at the front
line of the drug war. San Vicente is in the region where new, U.S.-
trained counter-drug battalions will operate. Iran can also
increase its influence on both the Colombian and Venezuelan oil
industries.

The United States is not likely to take any of this in stride.
Investment in guerrilla-held territory will strike many in
Washington as capitulation to the drug trade. And the mere presence
of Iran in the most sensitive place in the Western Hemisphere is
likely to force policymakers to re-think ties to Colombia. Pastrana
may be using the Iranian deal to pressure Washington into
delivering $1.5 billion in aid, only half of what Pastrana wants.
Recent developments may quash aid altogether.

A little over a year into his administration, the Colombian
president has worked to bring peace to a country torn by decades of
civil war. Pastrana is already weakened by his concession of land
to the FARC. In a sticky position, attempting to satisfy the FARC,
the right, everyday Colombians and the United States, Pastrana may
see the Iranian investment as a chance to get the peace process
back on track. Suffering from increasing criticism and declining
popularity, the president is risking a renewed challenge from the
right, upsetting the United States and regional turmoil. And those
are the rewards only if the gambit succeeds.



(c) 1999, Stratfor, Inc. http://www.stratfor.com/




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