-Caveat Lector- <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/"> </A> -Cui Bono?- an excerpt from: Treason's Peace Howard Watson Armbruster©1947 A Crossroads Press Book Beechurst Press New York 438 pps. -- First/Only Edition -- Out-of Print --[2]-- CHAPTER II Congressman Metz of the Bleeding Heart "ENGLAND KEEPS her navy intact and her soldiers at home; she will carry on the war until the last Frenchman has been killed." With these words Dr. Hugo Schweitzer closed his address to a gathering of leading textile manufacturers who, with the speakers of the evening, were guests of the Drysalters Club of New England on January 20, 1915. The next speaker, our old friend, Congressman Herman A. Metz, began his address with this statement: "If I had any doubts about Dr. Schweitzer's neutrality before I heard him speak tonight those doubts are now removed." Thus was fabricated, and approved by a member of Congress, this still familiar-sounding canard about the British people. America had just discovered how dependent she was on the chemical industry of Germany. With the outbreak of war in 1914, our imports from that country ceased. American manufacturers were panicky, and President Wilson was being bombarded with demands for relief in the name of the suffering consumers of German dyes and pharmaceuticals. Accordingly, the President had lodged a formal protest with the British Government—a request that the blockade be relaxed so that trade between the United States and Germany could continue. Dr. Hugo Schweitzer's address before the Drysalters Club was entitled, "The Pr esident's Protest to Great Britain and its justification by Perils to Our Trade and Industries." The speaker was introduced as president of the American Bayer Co., and former president of the Chemists Club of New York. The Drysalters Club guests, already in a state of high indignation about the dye shortage were, of course, in a most receptive mood for an attack upon England. They ate it up that night and they spread it far and wide thereafter. During that period no public suspicion had been aroused regard-ing the under-cover activities of Dr. Schweitzer, and it was not to be revealed until later that at the very time of his anti-British address the illustrious doctor was secretly making plans to secure control of substantially all of the phenol (carbolic acid) then manufactured in the United States, in order to prevent its use in the manufacture of munitions for England. Thomas A. Edison had been a very large consumer of phenol as a material for making phonograph records. Prior to the outbreak of the war his supply had come from Germany—he cartels having seen to it that we had no domestic production. However, when his foreign supply was threatened, Mr. Edison, with characteristic initiative, began producing it here and did so on a scale sufficiently large to have a considerable excess supply over his own requirements. This excess would have gone into the production of war munitions for Great Britain had not the neutral Dr. Schweitzer quietly grabbed every bit of it. Schweitzer accomplished this by secretly organizing a company called the Chemical Exchange Association which contracted with Edison for his entire excess production of phenol. The Chemical Exchange was not identified with Schweitzer nor did it become known until later that it had been financed with funds supplied by the notorious Dr. Heinrich Albert, financial adviser to the German Government. Von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador, also collaborated in this Schweitzer project. The Chemical Exchange resold all of the Edison phenol to another domestic company, also German owned, which used it to make salicylic acid for medicinal purposes. So delighted was Dr. Albert with the success of this means Of depriving England of munitions that he sent Schweitzer flamboyant congratulations: "One should picture to himself what a military coup would be accomplished by an army leader if he should succeed in destroying three railroad trains of forty cars, containing four and one-half million pounds of explosives." Dr. Albert's letter then went on to urge the doctor to next go after America's bromine supply, because: "Bromine, together with chloral, is used in making nitric gases, which are of such great importance in trench warfare. Without bromine these nitric gases are of slight effect; in connection with bromine, they are of terrible effect." When it finally came out that Dr. Schweitzer was the brains behind the Chemical Exchange-Edison contract, Schweitzer defied criticism with an attack upon what he called the "greedy explosives manufacturers who were paying fabulous prices for carbolic acid." Said Schweitzer: "I wish emphatically to state that all carbolic acid purchased by me is now and will be converted into highly salutary medicinal remedies. It needs no imagination to realize how many men would have been killed, wounded, and maimed by the use of this enormous quantity of one of the highest explosives known. I made Mr. Edison especially happy by converting this carbolic acid into medicines, because, as he personally said to me, he would dislike very much that any of the merchandise manufactured by him should be used for killing people." These humanitarian sentiments of Dr. Schweitzer might have been more impressive but for the fact that those same deadly chemical gases, first used by the Kaiser's army at Ypres in violation of Germany's pledge at the Hague convention, were manufactured by Dr. Carl Bosch, Schweitzer's colleague in Badische. And the formula of one of them, the dread mustard gas, had malready been invented, in 1913 in a New Jersey laboratory, by a Schweitzer employe, Dr. Walter Scheele. The latter, again directed by Bayer's Schweitzer, later prepared the incendiary sabotage bombs used to destroy ships in New York harbor after World War I began. During this period, Dr. Schweitzer's activities spread to many fields which were remote from his duties as president of a company making dyes and pharmaceuticals at Rensselaer, New York. With funds supplied by the German Government Schweitzer organized the Printers and Publishers Association, and the German Publishers Society-for the dissemination of Teutonic culture. He is also credited with being the instigator of the scheme through which the New York Evening Mail was purchased with German funds by Dr. Edward A. Rumely, and, for a short time, turned into an organ of German propaganda. The good doctor's advice was, of course, relied upon by Ambassador von Bernstorff on all problems relating to chemical munitions. When Congress, to encourage the newly created domestic dyestuff industry by an embargo and very high duties, passed the Tariff Act of 1916, Schweitzer wrote von Bernstorff that it would be "child's play" to defeat the purpose of the bill. A special clause in the Act, Schweitzer pointed out, permitted the President to remove the duty on certain of the more essential dyes after five years. In the meantime, the cartels could absorb the high duties and dump dyes into the United States so far below costs that they could "apply the lever" and regain domination of the market. Dr. Schweitzer's "child's play" also was to include the election of the right kind of a President of the United States. "Party politics," said Schweitzer, will control whether the President to be elected to office "will make an honest effort to abolish the specific duty, and again let in the German dyes without restriction." His letter, however, did not explain how he proposed to bring about the election of the right kind of President. Perhaps he thought the Ambassador, or his friend, ex-Congressman Metz, could handle that minor detail. The good doctor, of course, was confident that Germany would win the war while the United States was being persuaded by propaganda and corruption to keep out of it. However, the Farben pattern is always based on win or lose, and when Germany did lose, Farben, as will be shown later, merely moved in and under cover of American-born citizens and American corporation, retained control of many of our vital industries. Eventually, it came out that Bayer's Dr. Schweitzer was in reality the undercover head of the German espionage and sabotage organization in the United States. When Dr. Albert had first arrived in the United States, it was Schweitzer who met him and supplied him with an automobile. And when the United States Government forced Albert's departure in 1917, it was to Dr. Schweitzer that he handed over his remaining espionage funds—some $1,800,000. But busy as he was, Dr. Schweitzer always found time to write articles and make public addresses on scientific and business subjects. These, like his Boston speech to the Drysalters Club, were then neatly reprinted in small booklets of uniform design, and copies bearing the legend, "Compliments of the Author," were mailed to important public and college libraries, and to newspapers and other publications throughout the United States. Schweitzer always spoke and wrote as a patriotic American citizen devoted to the welfare of his country; and observed our relations with Germany and England with the detachment of a true scientist. Some of the titles of these speeches and articles are of interest: "The Present and Future Peril to our Commerce and Industry," "German Militarism and Its Influence upon the Industries," "Can Germany be Starved into Submission?" The theme was always the same, that his fellow-American citizens should learn from scientific facts that friendship with Germany was a matter of self-interest. How familiar that false slogan has become! In one of his papers entitled, "The Chemists' War," Dr. Schweitzer set forth at great length how Germany's chemists had contributed more to the success of their country's armed forces than either the Army or Navy. He would also seem to have anticipated some of Farben's future activities and tie-ups in the United States as be stated in this article that German chemists had already solved the problem of synthetic rubber, and had made the important discovery of magnesium-aluminum alloys for war purposes. A decade later Schweitzer's successors in I. G. Farben were making their secret and illegal agreements with American industrialists to discourage or control all developments here in synthetic rubber, magnesium alloys and other war essentials. In another ten years—when Schweitzer's successors were to give the word to the German army: "We are now ready, you may start marching," the success of these efforts had contributed greatly to our pitiful state of unpreparedness. And when once again Farben's lust for world conquest has been thwarted we are now told, again, that as a matter of self-interest we should permit Farben's industries to survive. When Congressman Herman Metz at that Boston meeting in January 1915 put his public approval on Dr. Schweitzer's vicious anti-English sentiments, he also informed his audience that he had just returned from a trip to Germany where he had talked to high officials in Berlin and to the leaders of the German dye cartels, including, of course, Dr. Schweitzer's German employers in the Bayer Company. Anyone who chooses to do so is now welcome to assume that Congressman Metz at that time had no knowledge or suspicion of the real character and purpose of Dr. Schweitzer's activities in the United States. However, in December 1917, shortly after Dr. Schweitzer's death, and after at least a part of his secretly conducted treasonable activities had become public, Metz, by then an ex-Congressman and a colonel in the U.S. Army, joined with several other American representatives of the German cartel and with other citizens who should have known better, in organizing a Hugo Schweitzer Memorial Committee to pay tribute to the sterling qualities of this late-departed German spy. Five years later Mr. Metz was not quite so proud in public of his late colleague, for although he informed a Senate Committee in 1922 that Dr. Schweitzer had a right to buy up the phenol supply with German money in order to deprive Great Britain of munitions, he also referred to Schweitzer's activities as "unpatriotic" and objected vigorously to being compared with his former friend. The part played by Herman Metz, however, in the Germaninspired political pressure upon the U.S. Government is indicated by the following: New York March 6, 1915 Hon. William J. Bryan, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. My dear Mr. Bryan: Referring to my letter of yesterday regarding the dyestuff situation, I beg to say that I received the following cable this morning from Germany via Milan: 'Latest developments make further shipments dyestuffs impossible.' The cable was sent to me by Dr. Adolph Haeuser the president of the Verein zur Wahrung der Interressen der Chemischen Industrie Deutchlands, which is composed of the various chemical and dyestuff manufacturers of Germany, with headquarters in Berlin, and shows the attitude of German manufacturers of dyestuffs in the present crisis. It is safe to assume that they will take every precaution and go to any length to prevent their products from reaching consumers of enemy countries, and unless some agreement can be reached to have the pres-ent condition modified, the manufacturers of this country will suffer as much as those of belligerent countries. Yours very truly, H. A. Metz. Mr. Metz thus served official notice on his own government, in the name of the German cartel, that we must change our policy toward Great Britain or suffer the consequences. That this diplomatic pressure was inspired by the German Government was made clear by an intercepted cable which Dr. Albert sent from the United States to his home office on April 26, 1916. In this message Dr. Albert said: The policy of withholding dyestuffs was at the beginning of the war without doubt the only possible one. A week after Metz's letter to Secretary Bryan, Ambassador von Bernstorff contributed his advice to the home office by cabling Berlin that: the stock of dyes in this country is so small that 4,000,000 American workmen may be thrown out of employment Dyes, in fact, were so scarce that the mills would pay any price for such as were available. Old warehouse stocks were overhauled and revealed priceless treasure in odds and ends of discarded German colors. In one instance a barrel of abandoned dye which originally cost 23 cents a pound sold for $7.50 a pound. Meanwhile Congressman Metz did succeed in arranging for several cargoes of German dyes to be brought to the United States through the British blockade and was widely acclaimed in certain circles for his success in so doing. Then, on March 11, 1915, the British Government issued its Order of Council prohibiting all trade with Germany, which so tightened the blockade that further shipments appeared impossible. In July 1916 the American people received a real thrill of excitement when it was announced that the German submarine Deutschland had arisen from beneath the surface of Chesapeake Bay and proceeded to a dock in Baltimore to discharge almost 300 tons of dyestuffs. These dyes had been concentrated to save cargo space and the shipment really represented about 1300 tons of dyes of the prewar standards. Hearst's pro-German American hailed this exploit "as marking a new era in the world's commercial history." Another paper termed it "Man's greatest single victory over the forces of the sea." It was of course ridiculous to suppose that an occasional submarine could bring any real relief to the shortage of dyes and' medicinals that existed in the United States, but as a propaganda stunt this first submarine voyage was a great success. So, while editorial writers were busy acclaiming German ingenuity, it remained for a well-known consulting chemist, the late Dr. F. X. Harold, to point out that the character of the undersea cargo indicated that the motive of the German dye trust was propaganda rather than profit or real friendship, since an equal amount of coal-tar medicinals would have yielded a far greater return, and would have been even more welcome. Said Dr. Harold: It seems therefore, that Germany's object in sending dyesmust be regarded as a sort of warning to American manufacturers. If she can postpone, even for a few months, the investment of further capital in the American dyestuff industry, it will facilitate greatly her efforts to regain her dye monopoly after the close of the war. Despite the selection of the less profitable merchandise for this first cargo, almost a million dollars profit to the cartels was represented by this single trip. Four months later the Deutschland again turned up in an American harbor, this time at New London, Connecticut. It was said that this cargo was worth $10,000,000 and included a limited quantity of drugs, securities and diamonds in addition to dyes. There was a romantic, Jules Verne-like aspect to the resumption of commerce between this country and the German dye concerns, that appealed to the emotions of many Americans. This was made good use of in anti-British propaganda, with jests at the futility of a blockade when the Germans could outwit the great British navy by merely sailing under it. The next German submarine that paid us a visit shelled our coast. The Senate hearings in 1922 at which Mr. Metz objected to being compared with the departed Dr. Schweitzer were held in compliance with a resolution introduced by Senator William H. King of Utah which called for an investigation of expenditures by American dye interests for the maintenance of a lobby at Washington. These expenditures, Senator King alleged, were being made to secure a wicked monopoly of the domestic dye markets by keeping out the Germans. Senator King stated that this was most reprehensible. He opened the proceedings with a vituperative attack upon American dye manufacturers, and elaborated on six reasons which he alleged proved that the domestic dye industry needed no embargo to protect it. Ex-Congressman Metz supported Senator King's charges, and informed the Committee that he had placed at the disposal of the Congress one of his own employes, Dr. Eugene R. Pickrell, who had been chief chemist for the U.S. Customs Department from 1912 to 1919, and who was therefore well qualified to advise the Senators on the pending legislation. These hearings were lengthy and many witnesses for and against the embargo were heard. Late in the hearings, Mr. Metz's employe, Dr. Pickrell did testify, and, after qualifying as an expert on domestic dyes and dye imports, gave high praise to the arguments and findings of Senator King, which he termed unanswerable. Here were three American-born citizens, one a Senator from a western state, one an ex-Congressman and ex-army officer, and one an ex-government expert, all vigorously opposing the embargo, and maintaining that sufficient protection for the new domestic industry could be had by duties instead. It was only a few years back that Mr. Metzs friend, Dr. Schweitzer, had written von Bernstorff that it would be "child's play' for the cartel to break through any tariff duties, however high. Senator, King apparently stood for the highest ideals of disinterest: "The war is over," said King, "and if we can begin to think in terms of world peace and world unity it will be better for the United States." The Senator went back in history more then a century and a half, to the first treaty between the United States and Germany, to sustain his allegation that the United States should not have seized the properties and patents of the German dye cartel, and should have returned them after the war. Metz pleaded for the ultimate consumers of dyes—"for whom my heart bleeds," he said. Dr. Pickrell put into the record of these hearings page after page of complex tables to support his contention that the domestic dye industry did not need an embargo. However, Dr. Pickrell made no reply when a letter was introduced showing that he, too, had stated previously, before entering the Metz employ, that not even a 100, per cent duty on dyes would be as efficacious as an embargo. None of these three Americans appeared to be at all concerned about the danger to their country if it were again to be deprived of an essential war-munitions industry. Eight years after these hearings another Senate Committee, which was investigating lobbies and lobbyists, drew from one Samuel Russell, the former secretary of Senator King, an admission that in 1922, in the dye-embargo, fight, Mr. Metz had paid Russell $1000 in cash to be used in the Senator's campaign for reelection-and that the money had been handed to the witness in Metz's New York office by none other than Dr. Eugene R. Pickrell. An account of the relations of these three disinterested American citizens, whose hearts bled for world peace and the poor consumer, is to be found in the minority report of the 1930 Lobby Committee. Dr. Pickrell testified that he had left the employ of the H. A. Metz Co. the year before, and had opened an office in New York as a consulting chemist. He denied repeatedly that he represented the German dye cartel, or that he knew anything about its interests in the United States. The Committee, however, drew an admission from the doctor that his income included payments of $12,000 a year, plus expenses, from four Farben-controlled companies. These four Pickrell clients were: General Dyestuff Corp., of which Herman Metz was president; Agfa Ansco Company, which, in 1929, had been taken over by American I. G. Chemical Corp.; Kuttruff-Pickhardt & Co., the old Badische agency; and Farben-owned Synthetic Nitrogen Products Co. To accusations that he had used Senator King's office as his headquarters while representing the interests of these clients, and had prepared material for the speeches of Senators favoring his cause, Dr. Pickrell replied that he only saw Senator King a few times. The Committee's Minority report found this statement to be "decidedly at variance" with other evidence given before it; and called Frank K. Boal, a Washington newspaper correspondent, to the witness stand. Mr. Boal testified that it was known among newspaper men that when Pickrell was in Washington he could be found in Senator's King's office, and that he had seen the doctor there-with his coat off, dictating to a stenographer. Direct questioning also brought out that Dr. Pickrell was the author of material Senator King had presented to the Senate Committee of 1922. Small wonder the doctor had been so lavish with his praise. Ex-Congressman Metz was inclined to be irascible on the witness stand, and complained bitterly at questions of Republican Senator Arthur R. Robinson, especially those which had to do with his activities as treasurer of the American I. G. Chemical Corp., and that company's relations with Farben. "Everything is inference," he protested. Metz also denied vigorously that he was a lobbyist, but he did affirm his friendship for Dr. Bosch and the German dye companies, and described them as "my friends abroad, by whom I have been standing all of these years, and they have stood by me." Prior to the minority report of the 1930 Lobby Committee, I had made a number of efforts to awaken the Senate to the menace to our national security that was being revealed by that Committee. The report was issued May 22, 1930. One of my letters, dated March 8, 1930, was as follows: Hon. Guy D. Goff, United States Senate Washington, D. C. Dear Senator Goff: Noting your remarks in the Senate yesterday regarding the activities of Dr. Pickrell, the paid agent of the German I. G., it occurs to me to send you herewith copy of a letter addressed some time since to the chairman of the Senate Lobby Committee. The information contained therein, so far as I can learn, has not been utilized as yet for the purpose of developing the extent of the activities, the background, and the connections of this Dr. Pickrell. Without attempting to discuss the merits of a high or low tariff with relation to any domestic product, I would point out that the so-called German I. G. is the one group which has attempted to influence pending tariff legislation which, by no stretch of imagination, may be said to have any proper motive relating to the social well-being or prosperity of our working class, our agricultural groups, or the industrial and commercial developments of the American people. It is also obvious that control of our chemical manufacturing industries means control of the munition plants of the next war . . . . . that control of our pharmaceutical industry…… means control of an important factor in the public health. It is also obvious that secret control of an enormous group of the most profitable patent medicines in the United States means secret control of the expenditures of unlimited funds for advertising with its secret influence on news and editorial expression on all subjects. I am not an alarmist trying to wave a bloody shirt, but I say to you without fear of contradiction, that the uncovering of the tentacles of the so-called German I. G., in every element of our social order in the United States at this time, will astound and shock the American people. Please use the letter which I have inclosed herewith as you see fit. Respectfully yours, H. W. Ambruster Senator Goff acknowledged receipt of this letter with his thanks, and the comment that he would use the material in it to advantage if the opportunity arose. Apparently that opportunity did not arise. A similar letter, sent to Senator Joseph R. Grundy, of Pennsylvania, received a more forthright reply. "I am quite sure," he wrote, "that not only what you stated in your letter but the apprehension contained in your closing paragraph are correct, and the American people have comparatively little knowledge of what is going on in this country to undermine their material wellbeing." Senator Grundy, a high-tariff Republican, was also a Quaker and appears to have had sufficient insight to be fearful of the dangers to our future peace. Be that as it may, the Senate took no action. Twelve long years after my letters to Senators Goff and Grundy, the "shock to the American people" that I then prophesied was echoed when Senator Harry S Truman, in another Senate hearing, shouted "treason" at revelations of some of the agreements entered into by the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey which had enabled Farben to obtain such control of our chemical-manufacturing industries that the production of synthetic rubber in the United States had been obstructed to the grave injury of our war economy. As will be shown in a later chapter, these Standard Oil-Farben agreements were actually being arranged and consummated at the time of Pickrell's activities [and prior to the date of my letter to the Senators]. After the .1930 exposure Mr. Pickrell dropped out of sight as a disinterested dye expert before Congressional Committees. Later, he was listed as a director of H. A. Metz Co., and as an attorney at 10 East 40th Street, across the hall from the notorious German-American Board of Trade — which was organized by Herman Metz in 1924 and operated as Farben's high level propaganda machine by one Dr. Albert Degener until that gentleman was interned after the outbreak of the present war. According to the published statements of the Bulletin of the German-American Board of Trade, Attorney Pickrell was listed as one of its directors in 1940; and as appearing before Secretary of State Hull in protest at the British blockade after the war started and before the Treasury Department in customs matters in 1941. Senator William H. King retired from the Senate in 1940 and opened a law office in Washington. As for Herman Metz, it seems that while he was still vehemently proclaiming sole ownership of his two companies, his loyalty to the German cartel was rewarded by the round sum of $1,750,000—the purchase price of his General Drug Company and the Metz Laboratories. While Winthrop Chemical Company was ostensibly the buyer of these profitable enterprises, it was our old friend I. G. Farben that put up $875,000, or half the purchase price. Ex-Congressman Metz, the Democrat, turned Republican to support Harding because his old party was mean to his German friends, the American consumer's friend with the bleeding heart who had so bitterly denounced the American dye manufacturers as an iniquitous monopoly in 1922, and who claimed that he did not represent the cartel, in 1925 helped to organize, and became president of, the General Dyestuff Corp., a concern that was to become the exclusive U.S. sales agency for Farben's dyes. At the very time his company was being sued for damages in American courts by Farben's Hoechst, Metz was being paid huge sums by Farben to turn over his drug and dye interests to Farben's new American hideouts. In 1929 Metz helped Hermann Schmitz, chairman of 1. G. Farben, organize the American I. G. Chemical Corp. which took over the General Aniline Works and the Agfa Ansco Corp. Metz became vice-president and treasurer of American 1. G., and shortly afterward issued a public statement denying that the company was a branch of I. G. Farben. In 1934, while still bead of his German-American Trade Board, after a visit to his friends in Farben and in Hitler's new government, Herman Metz died and was buried with military honors. In 1939, shortly after Germany started the present war, Farben caused the American I. G. Chemical Corp. to change Its name to General Aniline & Film Corp. In 1941 and '42 multiple indictments were filed in U.S. District Courts accusing General Aniline & Film, and several other corporations and individuals, of conspiring with Hermann Schmitz, and with I. G. Farben to restrict the production of dyes and chemicals in the United States, to prevent domestic exports from the United States, and to control competition wi th imports from Germany. Among those indicted on these charges were the E. I. duPont De Nemours: & Co., Inc., and the Allied Chemical & Dye Corp. It was also set forth in these indictments that systematic efforts bad been made from the beginning to conceal the ownership by I. G. Farben of the American companies with which Metz had been associated. In December 1941, the Treasury Department seized General Aniline & Film Corp., and prior to the seizure, Winthrop, owned jointly by General Aniline & Film and Sterling Products, Inc., bad already been prosecuted for Illegal relations with Farben. After the seizure, the Treasury removed several of Winthrop's employes and officers as objectionable enemy aliens, and a complete removal of every trace of the Farben influence was announced. Then, in October 1942, the Winthrop management announced in the press that as a master stroke of this housecleaning, it had appointed as its director of research one Dr. Chester M. Suter, professor of chemistry at Northwestern University. One fact, however, that the announcements neglected to mention was that Dr. Suter had completed his chemical education at Yale University on what was known as the Metz Fellowship. This fellowship was establisbed at Yale in 1925 by Farben's Herman A. Metz and was financed thereafter by Metz and his Farben-controlled companies. Herman Metz bad four sons, one of whom was to carry on with Farben as a banker and an aid to its Central Finance Administration at Berlin (the polite name for the Farben foreign espionage and propaganda bureau) and who was also to marry into royalty, not of the ersatz Farben variety but that of the ancient 14th century duchy of Schleswig-Holstein, subject of many disputes between Denmark and Prussia before it became finally an integral part of Bismarck's German Empire. So, when Richard, son of Herman, in 1941, married Marie Luise, daughter of the 14th Duke of this Danish-German principality, who came from war torn Europe to wed in New York, the family of Metz, of humble Brooklyn origin, became linked with the Royal families both of Germany and Denmark, and, by those same ties, with England's Kings and Queens, and even with Carol of Roumania. And young Metz also became related, through his princess, with the millionaire American Leishman family, the duke's first wife having been Nancy Louise Leishman, daughter of our Ambassador to the Kaiser's court when William Howard Taft was President. As some of the readers of this story may recall in news dispatches at the end of the war, it was Princess Valerie-Marie, sister of Marie Louise, who was so indignant with a squad of American doughboys on their way to Berlin when they bivouacked on her 16,000-acre estate and permitted her to retain as living quarters only 14 rooms of her 300 room palace. Richard Metz, according to a report of the American Military Government of Germany (O.M.G.U.S.), as submitted to a Senate Committee in 1945, was in Belgium in 1940 in some connection with Farben's espionage bureau, and, returning to the United States in October of that year, was requested to deliver a message to one of Farben's most notorious agents in Latin America, Alfredo Moll (see Chapter XIII) instructing the latter how to get his confidential reports out of Peru, Brazil or Mexico. So Herman's son, as a private banker living on Park Avenue, New York, carried on the traditions of the name. It would appear to the author that nothing could better reveal the threads and texture of the Farben pattern than a study of the life and activities of Herman A. Metz, Brooklyn-born American. Back in March 1914 in one of the letters written to Metz by Dr. Haeuser—from which excerpts on bribery of the boss dyers have already been cited—the head of the German Hoechst Co. wrote these significant words: "So far as our other agreements are concerned I have no objection to having you send these back; our entire relationship is really a confidential relationship, and it will be and must without agreements, so continue in the future as in the past." When Dr. Haeuser wrote that all-inclusive phrase "in the future as in the past" he must have anticipated what was to happen within the five months following, when Germany was to make "scraps of paper" of written agreements, and begin its march through Belgium. Should Germany have won the first World War, it is interesting to speculate on the influence and power which might have come to Colonel Herman Metz through his "confidential relationship" with Dr. Haeuser and other German cartel leaders. Metz's prewar written agreements with Hoechst might not carry over, but the record shows that the confidential relationship was all that the cartel required to hold the Metz loyalty. We have had similar revelations of carry-over relationships and post-war understandings reached by other American industrialists with Farben's leaders during the early period of World War II. Metz's career gives at least some indication of what Farben's leaders have prepared for, and, unhappily, have a right to expect, in the peace to come, as will appear in chapters to follow. Herman Metz was self-made. Starting as an office boy he became a successful business man, manufacturer, politician, Congressman, Army Officer, philanthropist, and leader in many walks of American life. Always a rough-and-tumble fighter, he stormed through all accusations of impropriety with assertions of patriotic motive and vindictive slander of his opponent. As a table thumper Metz was in a class by himself. My personal acquaintance with Metz started just after the first World War, when the chemical company of which I was the general manager was supplying the Metz Laboratories with arsenic acid. At an official reception at Washington in 1926 I asked Metz if he would care to meet my good friend, the late Dr. Charles Herty, distinguished engineer and adviser to Francis Garvan in many of the latter's battles with Farben and Farben's agents. "Sure" shouted Metz at the top of his lungs. "Where is that old son-of-a-bitch? I'll meet him any time, any place, and tell him what's what about that gang of goddamned horse thieves he runs with." So Mr. Metz started with me to look for the mild and gentle doctor, and I was much relieved that we did not succeed in finding him in the crowded hall. In 1932, several years after I had first publicly denounced Farben and its activities in the United States, I had my last encounter with Herman Metz, and received the high distinction of having him call me a lunatic. This was in reply to a letter in which I denounced as criminal the advertising slogan of Bayer aspirin: "It does not harm the heart." I did not respond 'in kind to Metz's description of my mentality. Instead I sent him a form of affidavit to fill out and sign in which, if he chose, he could sweat to his approval, as an authority, of that advertising claim. This letter also requested Metz to present to his friend "Doctor" Weiss, of Sterling, my comments relative to the advertising. Metz declined to take advantage of the opportunity to give his personal seal of approval to the therapeutic qualities of one of Farben's most celebrated products. That he was wise in refraining came out some two years later when these claims were admitted to be dangerously false-in actions brought by the Federal Trade Commission as a result of my complaint. pps. 15-32 --[cont]-- Aloha, He'Ping, Om, Shalom, Salaam. Em Hotep, Peace Be, All My Relations. Omnia Bona Bonis, Adieu, Adios, Aloha. Amen. Roads End <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are not allowed. Substance—not soap-boxing! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply. 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