-Caveat Lector- <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/"> </A> -Cui Bono?- Dave Hartley http://www.Asheville-Computer.com/dave -----Original Message----- From: Dan Russell [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]] Sent: Tuesday, February 01, 2000 2:58 PM Subject: Re: helliwell > From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] >Dan: I'm very interested in anything you have on China. 5 chapters of my new > book deal with Chinese involvement in the last presidential campaign, and the > sale of military secrets to Beijing. 4 chapters deal with the "Balkan Route" > (the China-India-Eastern Europe drug-trafficking conduit). I know that NATO's > siege of Kosovo was much less humanitarian than portrayed by the mainstream > media. It was also much more than mere officious intermeddling. It was a > means by which to accomplish the defenestration of Milosevic, and, initially, > to establish the KLA (the Balkan Route's Cosa Nostra) as the ruling faction > in there.Thanks in advance,Richmond Odom Well, as usual Richmond, you make me feel like I should go hit the books again immediately. But perhaps I can contribute some relevant pointing: Since the American-led global Prohibition of opium sap popularized heroin, artificially making it valuable enough to trade for arms, many KKY leaders were enabled to co-opt the local ethnic or political movement. The Burma Army settled into the role of central wholesaler, issuing franchises to all the major players in control of opium-growing territory, using its KKY militia as trucking convoys for its franchisees. Thus did all sides in the civil war settle into a relatively peaceful marriage of convenience, a marriage that had the militarized heroin trade as its glue. That is, when China’s Deng Xiaoping turned Burma into a trading partner, the Communist Party of Burma made peace with the Burma Army and went into business with it, as did the Kuomintang, Khun Sa’s Shans and most, but not all, of the other guerrilla groups. Notably absent were the Karens, who did not choose to enroll as SLORC slaves. James "Bo" Gritz, as most Americans know, is a famous Vietnam War commando. He went on to command U.S. Special Forces in the Panama Canal Zone. After his 1979 retirement he functioned as a deep penetration expert for the DIA’s Intelligence Support Activity. In 1986 Col. Harvey of the National Security Council asked Gritz’ ISA team to check out reports received by Vice President Bush, that Khun Sa had possession of some missing U.S. servicemen. Upon reaching the jungle redoubt of this commander of 40,000 guerrilla troops, Gritz was absolutely astonished by what the warlord offered. This is what Gritz, under oath, told the Senate Select Committee on POW Affairs, 11/23/92: "We established good rapport and determined that the reports of his having American POWs were false. I used both video and a CIA provided portable polygraph to produce proof that Khun Sa had no knowledge of U.S. POWs.... He promised to either secure any Americans found or give me 2,500 of his best troops to recover them. I was told to return in March for the results. I asked Khun Sa about trafficking in Heroin. He told me to take an offer back to President Reagan. Khun Sa was willing to eliminate all the Golden Triangle opiates and disclose the U.S. government officials who were his best customers for more than 20 years! In return Khun Sa wanted a trade agreement which would allow free world exploitation of the Shan State natural resources. VP Bush was leading the war on drugs and it sounded like an offer we couldn’t refuse." ".... Harvey telephoned with congratulations on successfully resolving the POW report, Khun Sa’s sweep of western Laos and offer to help in any rescue operation. When I inquired about the drug offer, Harvey said there was no interest. Such a negative response was surprising, but staff assistants in DC tend to develop tunnel-vision and see no importance outside of their own narrow focus. I returned to Burma and found reason why there was "no interest!" ".... ‘After you left with my Reagan message in December, I thought maybe I’ d see B-52 bombers overhead. Instead both the Thai and Burmese came to me and said they had to make it look like they were doing something or they could lose millions of U.S. drug suppression dollars. I told them to do anything they wanted as long as it included a road from Mae Hong Son Air Port.’ Ten-ton trucks had replaced the horses and mules as the drug tonnage quickly indicated. A news article showing the U.S. Ambassador presenting the Thais with a $1.8 million check for all their hard work cooled political concerns." "Khun Sa said he understood the problem. He sadly reported that after an exhaustive search his agents had turned up no evidence of U.S. prisoners alive in Western Laos, but he was willing to reveal some of the U.S. officials he had dealt with since winning the Burma-Laos Opium War in 1967! My ears pricked up when [Assistant Secretary of Defense] Richard Armitage was named as the person who handled the money with the banks in Australia! I was familiar with Michael Hand’s Nugan-Hand Bank chain that laundered CIA drug money worldwide. The Chiang Mai branch telephone was answered by the DEA secretary. Mike Hand had been a Special Forces operative. Nugan was found shot to death after the bank examiners revealed their nefarious dealings. Hand disappeared. If Armitage was the bagman, then he wouldn’t want live POWs coming home. Follow-on investigations would involve him as the responsible bureaucrat. Armitage and Harvey were close associates who lifted weights together at the Pentagon Officers Athletic Club. If Armitage was involved and saw Khun Sa’s offer to name names, it could have sparked the "newspaper drug war" — something certainly did!" "Immediately upon arrival at the Bangkok safehouse on 19 May 1987, I was called by Joseph Felter who informed me that U.S. Government authorities, had come to him so that I might be advised to erase and forget everything I had just learned from Khun Sa and return IMMEDIATELY with all documentation to be turned over to Harvey upon arrival. My failure to properly respond would ‘hurt the U.S. Government!’.... I chose instead to present the information and was called to testify before Larry Smith’s House Sub-Committee on Narcotics Oversight. It was a mistake. Smith did not allow the members to view the Khun Sa video record and questioned the "heroin highway" as being a road to attack Khun Sa. He said the charges against Armitage were old, investigated, and unfounded." "The DEA finally admitted to a new road from Mae Hong Son to Khun Sa’s HQ, but they said it was a "graduation road." Khun Sa wanted Thai officials to attend a special ceremony and didn’t want them riding mules for miles so he had a highway built that they could drive along. Official heroin statistics record that in 1986 Khun Sa shipped 600 tons of opiates out of his Golden Triangle. The amount went up to 900 in 1987 (per highway), then 1,200 tons in 1988 and 3,050 tons in 1989! The road became so visible that Khun Sa had to alter the direction of flow and means of transportation, but not the volume. As Khun Sa said to me, "How do you think I can move so much opium product out of the jungle if it is not with badges?" Attorney General Richard Thornburgh indicted Khun Sa calling him the world’s blackest criminal. Khun Sa had offered President George Bush one metric ton of #4 pure Asian Heroin that sells for over $1 million per pound on the metropolitan streets of America. It was to be a show of good faith that he would eliminate every one while divulging his best customers. There was no interest!"2 Clinton followed the lead of such Bush-era 'antidrug' clones as Rep. Charles Rangel. In February of 1990, Rangel, Chairman of the House Committee on Narcotics, actually conducted a meeting with a Burmese delegation that included Brigadier-General Tin Hla of the 22nd Light Infantry Division, the butcher who carried out the August 1988 Rangoon massacre. Tin Hla came to tell the Congressman and the gathered eminences of the DEA how deeply he deplored the drug trade, and how fervently he implored more "antidrug" assistance for the Burma Army. In November of 1990 Burma’s intelligence chief flew up to Kokang with some DEA and U.N. officials to stage an "opium burning." They heard Pheung Kya-shin, the CPB military commander (Burma Army franchisee) ask for support for his "program for the destruction and suppression of narcotic drugs."7 Pheung failed to mention that he was running at least a dozen heroin refineries himself. Pheung was honest, however, in his sincere desire for more American money and police equipment. The disgusted Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan growled: "The Burmese regime has done nothing more than change business partners, turn on Khun Sa and get the public relations advantage that the DEA is giving them; use the former CPB, and turn them into a willing drug-trafficking partner."8 Moynihan’s "End of the Cold War Act of 1991," had it passed, would have transferred all CIA functions except intelligence to the State Department. Moynihan would have ended "Cold War/Covert" operations, those run by Armitage and Company. As Gritz said, in December of 1989, a U.S. federal court indicted Khun Sa (Chan Shifu) on charges of smuggling more than $350 million worth of heroin into the U. S. between 1986 and 1988. This forced the SLORC to appear to turn on Khun Sa. But French and U.S. satellite photos, displayed at a U.N. Drug Control Program regional conference in November 1993, showed an explosion of poppy growth in Khun Sa’s "surrendered" territory. In January of 1996, in an elaborate public ceremony, the SLORC formally welcomed Khun Sa and his associates into their exclusive Rangoon circle as "our own blood brethren." This marriage was negotiated in December of 1995 by Khun Sa’s uncle in Rangoon and the SLORC’s Defense Commander Gen. Maung Aye. Maung Aye’s dowry for the blushing Khun Sa was the bus concession from Rangoon to his Shan state opium empire. On August 21, 1996, The Bangkok Post reported that "Rangoon has officially allowed former Mong Tai Army soldiers [Khun Sa’s army] and Shan People at Ho Mong [Khun Sa’s former headquarters] to grow opium poppies to ease poverty in the area." The State Department, in its end-of-year 1996 Narcotics Control Strategy Report, deceitfully characterized this marriage as a victory in the Drug War, insisting that Khun Sa’s "surrender…[was] ending an era in southeast Asia heroin trafficking history." That’s a very odd conclusion, given that in the Spring of 96 the SLORC signed a cooperative deal with Asia World Company Ltd. to operate a major new wharf at Yangon Port, which handles 90% of Burma’s exports. Asia World is owned by Khun Sa’s military ally Lo Hsing Han, who controls the most heavily armed drug trafficking organization in Southeast Asia.9 1996 saw him acquire control of Burma’s biggest port. Secretary Gelbard and his military intelligence allies were active supporters of the July, 1997 enrollment of Myanmar into ASEAN, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, thus conferring diplomatic legitimacy on the SLORC. This is called "constructive engagement," as if little Burma had the geopolitical clout of China. China, of course, is another major Burmese money laundry. As the State department puts it, "Chinese officials note that more than 90 percent of the heroin that flows through China comes from Burma. The 2000-kilometer border that China shares with Burma is considered China’s friendliest." McCaffrey told PBS’ "Frontline" in May of 1997, "In Thailand we see continued suppression of opium poppy cultivation and significantly effective law enforcement. Thai cooperation in the extradition of several key drug traffickers to the U.S. has been superb. Laos is cooperating now with the U.S. through crop eradication, substitution, and increased law enforcement measures. Cambodia and Vietnam are also seeing greater counter-narcotics cooperation with their regional neighbors." But the State Department’s Narcotics Control Strategy Report for 1997, released by its Bureau for International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs in March of 1998, directly contradicted General McCaffrey: "The Government of Laos’ ability to control the flow of narcotics within and across its lengthy, porous borders is severely limited by lack of personnel, resources, expertise, and ready access to many isolated areas of the country. Effective control over borders with Thailand, Burma, China, Vietnam, and Cambodia exists only in the vicinity of major population areas, along principal land routes, and at established river crossings." The Reds went into the opium-for-arms business with the Whites. Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party was installed by the Vietnamese in 1979 when they stopped Pol Pot’s genocide. By this time Hun Sen’s Laotian ally, the Pathet Lao, had taken control of Laos. By 1980, a Laotian covert operation, Rasita Imports, was a major supplier, through Thailand, of Burmese heroin.23 In July of 1996, Hun Sen drove his co-Prime Minister, Prince Norodom Ranariddh, into exile and massacred Ranariddh’s leading supporters, among them Interior Secretary Ho Sok. Ho Sok made the mistake of going after construction magnate Mong Reththy, a major Hun Sen supporter. Mong Reththy had been using his Import-Export Ltd. to export high-grade Cambodian pot and Burmese heroin. Reththy very publicly underwrites school-construction projects in Burma. Another leading supporter of Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party, Theng Bunma, head of the national Chamber of Commerce, is Cambodia’s richest citizen. According to the DEA, he is also Cambodia’s leading drug-money launderer. In 1994 Bunma floated a $3 billion no-interest "loan" to the Cambodian army for weapons purchases.24 Dan Russell [EMAIL PROTECTED] www.kalyx.com <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are not allowed. Substance—not soap-boxing! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply. 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