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Peace at any cost is a prelude to war!

Clinton's war on the Navy
Cutbacks, political correctness, feminism
take toll on U.S. pilots' morale, proficiency

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By Paul Ciotti
� 2000 WorldNetDaily.com

Since the end of World War II, U.S. military pilots have been dominant in the
skies, shooting down 11 Russian MiG-15s for every lost F-86 Sabre jet lost in
Korea and a dozen or so MiG-19s and MiG-21s for F-4 Phantom or F-8 Crusader
lost in Vietnam. Desert Storm wasn't even a contest, with U.S. Air Force F-15
pilots shooting down 26 Iraqi planes in air-to-air combat without a single
loss.
Therefore it came as a big shock to some when late last year in a training
exercise in the Negev desert between Israeli Air Force F-16 pilots and U.S.
Navy pilots from the U.S.S. Theodore Roosevelt, Israeli Air Force pilots,
according to the Jerusalem Post, "shot down" 220 Navy F-14s and F-18s while
only "losing" 20 F-16s. In one exercise, the paper said, the reported kill
ratio was 40:1 in the Israelis' favor, an outcome so stunning, according to
an Israeli officer quoted by the Post, the results weren't made public to
"save the reputations of U.S. Navy pilots."

To some U.S. military observers, the shocking results seemed to confirm a
long-standing fear -- that military cutbacks, over-commitments, fallout from
Tailhook, and Clinton administration political interference were not just
hurting the morale of U.S. Navy pilots, but were cutting into their
proficiency too.

When asked about the Navy's uncomplimentary kill/loss ratio, a spokesman for
the Navy cautioned that it would be a serious mistake to read too much into
the IAF/Sixth Fleet exercise.

"The exercise was designed for training," said Capt. Steve Honda, a
London-based spokesman for U.S. Naval Forces Europe. "There are no winners or
losers. We don't keep score. That wasn't the purpose of the exercise."

Besides, said Honda, the exercise was artificially unrealistic. The IAF "used
a design scenario that limited our aircraft from using their full potential."

According to an October 1999 story in Navy News & Undersea Technology, it
appeared that the Israelis didn't count stand-off missile hits, a standard
wartime U.S. tactic, in calculating the final results. At least in some cases
the Israelis kept fighting after being "killed" -- and then counted any
subsequent kills. Because the exercise took place in the Negev, the Israelis
had half a dozen airfields within 20 minutes' flying time and thus could
operate with extremely light fuel loads. U.S. planes, in contrast, had to fly
in from the Roosevelt with heavy external fuel tanks, which limited their
speed and maneuverability. In real combat, such tanks would be dropped as
soon as the enemy was engaged.

The real test of combat readiness isn't a training exercise, but actual
combat, said Honda, and by that standard naval aviators are doing just fine.

"The (aircraft carrier) Roosevelt left Norfolk, crossed the Atlantic, entered
the Mediterranean and within a day of its arrival was dropping bombs in
[Kosovo]. That is what counts," said Honda. "Combat is the bottom line when
it comes to capability and effectiveness. And [the performance of Navy pilots
there] tells me training is excellent and readiness is high."

His assessment is not universally shared.

"He gets paid to say that," says former F-14 radar intercept officer Jerry
Burns. The hard truth, he says, is that "we are a much less effective force
than we were seven or eight years ago."

At the start of the Kosovo conflict, says Burns, who at the time was
stationed at the Strike Weapons Tactics School in Virginia Beach, U.S. Navy
pilots hadn't been trained in using laser-guided weapons.

"That's why we had such high miss rates in the opening phases of the war. We
had to dispatch someone [to tutor pilots] in laser-guided bomb delivery
techniques."

Burns, who retired in 1999, says that when he last served on the Eisenhower
in the Mediterranean, the carrier was "undermanned" by 450 to 500 sailors.

"They didn't have enough people to keep the [approach] radar fully manned at
all times." If the weather closed in, he adds, someone would have to be sent
down to the bunkroom to wake up a radar operator. "The Navy says operations
are safe. But they aren't safe. Planes were running out of gas and they
couldn't come on board."

Flight training hours have been cut back so much, says Burns, that the last
time his carrier fighter squadron went on deployment, its aviators were only
getting 10 to 15 hours a month.

"The pilot training matrix calls for a minimum of 27 hours. And yet we were
calling ourselves fully ready. Commanders are not allowed to say their
squadrons are not ready for combat," says Burns. "Anyone who says something
is wrong gets thrown out of the Navy."

In the meantime, "in order to maintain the level of recruits, the Navy has
had to lower standards across the board. Navy boot camp is a joke," Burns
charges. "Drill instructors can't yell, swear or touch anyone. If recruits
get too stressed, they can pull a 'time out' card, which is hardly realistic
training. You can't take 'time out' in combat."

The situation among officers is no better, says Burns.

"Look at the Naval Academy. It used to really mean something to be a Naval
Academy graduate. In recent years they've had pedophiles, car theft rings,
drug rings, cheating scandals and murderers."

One reason for the problem is a shrinking military budget -- currently a
smaller percentage of the Gross Domestic Product than at any time since Pearl
Harbor -- as well as a drastic shortage of spare parts and old worn-out
planes. According to testimony before the House Armed Services Committee last
week by Dan Gour�, acting director of the Center for Strategic &
International Studies International Security program, the United States is
facing a $100 billion annual shortfall in defense spending, which Gour� says
amounts to "de facto demobilization." The existing force structure will "run
out of useful life" by 2010, he says.

By the time the B-52 is finally retired, it will have been in service 70
years. Despite increased commitments, the Air Force is 36 percent smaller
than it was in Desert Storm. The U.S. Navy, says former Secretary of the Navy
James Webb, has gone from 930 ships in 1968, to 568 ships in 1988, to
approximately 315 ships today.

"And it is heading below 300," says the former Navy chief.

Among U.S. Navy pilots, retention rates are down 30 percent.

"The Navy can't keep the mid-grade guys, those coming back for their second
tour, who have been around, who know the ropes," says former Blue Angels
commanding officer Bob Stumpf. "These people are the heart and soul of
squadron, the ones the new people look to for leadership."

Clinton administration officials have generally blamed retention problems on
the booming economy, a 4.8 percent unemployment rate and the fact that "the
airlines are hiring." But to some former military officers, such comments
only prove that the Clinton administration doesn't have any idea what
motivates people to serve in the military.

"I heard [Secretary of the Navy] John Dalton speak about the [Navy's
recruiting problems]," says Stumpf. "He gave all the wrong reasons. He is
clueless."

Pilots will stay in the service if they feel they are appreciated and doing
something valuable, pretty much irrespective of the money, says Stumpf. But
it's impossible to get people to risk their lives in wartime if they feel the
nation's civilian leadership is non-supportive or outright hostile.

The problem today, says Webb, is that current "civilian elites" hold
"cavalier attitudes toward the military" and display "condescending views."
The people currently running the country, says Webb, never went to college
with anyone who later joined the military. They "have no one in their family
who was in the military" and "they don't know anyone in the military."

In fact, neither the president, the secretary of defense, the secretary of
state or the CIA director have ever worn a uniform. The closest this group
comes to having actual military experience is National Security Advisor Sandy
Berger who, says former Navy Secretary Webb, was once "a dental technician
reservist."

Instead, military policy is being made by people like former Assistant
Secretary of the Army Sara Lister who once accused the Marine Corps of being
"extremist," and Professor Madeline Morris, an advisor to Army Secretary Togo
West, who once wrote a paper suggesting the Army be organized along the line
of Communist Party cells to break up its "masculinist military construct" and
what she regarded as its "proclivity for rape."

On top of this, says Stumpf, the Tailhook scandal came along in 1991 and
practically wrecked naval aviation.

A highly regarded pilot whose promotion to captain was derailed by Tailhook,
Stumpf says in the public mind Tailhook was nothing but an orgy, but that
Tailhook did have a very useful function.

"It was a symposium," he says, noting that commercial aviation was there, as
well as manufacturers. Most importantly, he says, all the admirals in Naval
aviation were there in civilian clothes. The idea was, forget rank, ask
anything you want to know.

"You would see an admiral backed up against the wall with a lieutenant
sticking a finger in his chest," says Stumpf.

The problem was the third floor hospitality suites got more and more rowdy
each year.

"They had topless waitresses," says Stumpf. "It was chaos." Women were groped
and drenched in liquor, partially disrobed and forced to walk a "gauntlet" in
the third floor corridor.

Eventually news of Tailhook leaked to the mainstream press, whereupon Rep.
Patricia Schroeder demanded an investigation, which eventually became a
political inquisition intent on "cracking" the Navy "culture." Tailhook
became the "longest-running investigation in memory," wrote Dorothy
Rabinowitz in the Wall Street Journal. "The Nuremberg Trials of major Nazi
war criminals took less time, by far."

Hundreds of aviators were interrogated by Naval or Defense Department
investigators. Stumpf was interrogated nine separate times. Pilots were given
lie detector tests and asked about their sexual history. It was infuriating
and demoralizing. In the end, some 15 admirals and 145 aviators had their
careers wrecked.

Even though Stumpf was cleared of everything but being present while a
stripper performed, he was relieved of command of the Blue Angels and
ultimately denied promotion to captain by Secretary of the Navy John Dalton.

As bad as Tailhook was, it was made worse by the failure of Navy leadership
to stand up for the pilots, says Webb.

"I wrote a piece for the New York Times in October 1992, asking, 'Where are
all the active duty admirals?' The agenda feminists took advantage of
Tailhook and the uniformed leadership failed miserably."

In an effort to appease feminists in Congress and the administration, the
Navy, in Stumpf's words, "bent over backwards." Secretary of Defense Les
Aspin opened 15,000 to 20,000 combat slots to women. In an ill-conceived race
to beat the Air Force to field the first female fighter pilot, the Navy began
rushing women through flight training despite what, in some cases, were less
than exemplary flying skills.

For the male pilots, Tailhook had drastic consequences for shipboard life. In
the past, ready rooms had been places where pilots could relax and unwind and
bleed off the adrenaline that accompanies every arrested landing. Ready rooms
were where pilots lived at sea. They could be raunchy. They were always
lively.

"They made life at sea a lot more bearable," says Stumpf. Suddenly a chance
remark could ruin an entire career. The ready room became "a social
minefield."

The problem got worse after October 1994, when Lt. Kara Hultgreen, the first
woman to fly the Navy's powerful but unforgiving F-14, was killed during a
carrier landing. According to former aviation officer Jerry Burns, she made
too wide a turn on final approach, banked too steeply and "blanked out the
air supply" for one of the aircraft's two engines. The engine stalled, a
condition which Hultgreen apparently didn't recognize, and a short while
later the wings stalled as well. Hultgreen's radar intercept officer managed
to eject safely but Hultgreen, who ejected upside down, was instantly killed.

Navy officials attributed the crash to "engine failure," which angered some
pilots who felt the Navy was cravenly trying to cover up a straightforward
case of pilot error. But when they expressed such views publicly, they were
attacked -- not only by senior Navy officers who called any such insinuation
"despicable," but also by the New York Times, Time and Newsweek, which
suggested the pilots were trying to sully the memory of a brave and gifted
pilot. The Navy, in the meantime, gave Hultgreen a hero's burial at Arlington
National Cemetery, compete with caisson and full military honors.

Naval aviators felt they no longer could speak frankly about any shortcomings
of any pilot who happened to be a woman. In 1994, Adm. Stanley Arthur, a
Vietnam-era veteran with over 500 missions and 11 distinguished flying
crosses, was denied promotion to Commander in Chief of Naval Forces in the
Pacific by Sen. David Durenberger for approving a recommendation by junior
helicopter instructors that a female trainee, whom they judged to be
irrational and erratic, be washed out of flight school. Then Chief of Naval
Operations Jeremy Boorda -- who subsequently committed suicide -- would later
call it "the worst mistake I ever made."

In the end, according to some estimates, thousands of pilots left the service
in disgust. Many of them were mid-grade pilots who set the standards and
maintain the professionalism for the people right out of flight school. Their
loss, some observers have asserted, will leave Naval aviation in a hole from
which it will not escape for an entire generation.

"Tailhook was a stake through the heart of the military," says Stumpf.

After his captain's promotion was blocked by Navy Secretary Dalton, Stump
retired from the service, moved to Pensacola and now works as a FedEx pilot.

"It's interesting," says the former Blue Angel, "but it is not military
flying."




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Paul Ciotti is a Los Angles-based writer and former tactical coordinator in
P-3 anti-submarine patrol planes.



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