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John McCain's Campaign Finance "Reform" Isn't Constitutional
Why 38 Senators Support George W. Bush and Don't Want McCain in the
White House
By: Mary Mostert, Analyst, Original Sources (www.originalsources.com)

February 17, 2000

With only two days to go before the South Carolina primary, pollster
John Zogby reports that Texas Governor George W. Bush leads Arizona
Senator John McCain by 43.4% to 39.6%.. Former Ambassador Alan Keyes
polled 4.3% and 12.7% are Undecided in polls taken Monday and Tuesday.

On February 3rd, Zogby showed John McCain ahead of Texas Gov. George W.
Bush 44% to 39.3%, while the three other Republican candidates barely
scored -- Ambassador Alan Keyes 2.1%, Publisher Steve Forbes 1.7% and
former Reagan administration official Gary Bauer 1.2%, with 11.7%
Undecided.

Yesterday's polling figures were gathered before Tuesday night's debate
and before Gary Bauer dropped out of the race and endorsed John McCain.,
and the error margin of the poll is plus or minus 4% , which indicates
that the race is in a dead heat, swinging first to McCain and then to
Bush. The large undecided vote could determine the final outcome.

If the South Carolina Republican primary was limited to Republicans,
there would be no contest, according to Zogby's figures. :

"Bush leads 2-1 among Republicans (58.8%-28.9%), while McCain is ahead
among both Independents (61.7%-23.2%) and Democrats (50.6%-12.5%). The
sample includes nearly 40% who are identified as either Democrat or
Independent."

Forty percent are either Democrats or Independents? That means a whole
lot of Democrats are not voting in their own primary. In spite of Gary
Bauer's endorsement of McCain, it appears that much of the electorate
does not see John McCain as a "conservative," even though McCain
identifies himself as a conservative and George W. Bush told Larry King
on the debate the other night that HE considered John McCain a
conservative.

Zogby reported yesterday that "Bush holds a very heavy lead among both
Conservatives (51.3%-32.1%) and Very Conservative voters (61.9%-19.2%)
while McCain has substantial leads among Moderates (55.5%-30.9%) and
Liberals.

McCain leads among voters who have served or lived in households where
someone has served in the Armed Forces (50.2%-33.2%). Bush leads among
Born-Again Christians (50.1%-34.3%). McCain leads among first time
Republican primary voters (48.9%-32.3%) and among those who said that
they had voted in a Democratic primary in the past (48.9%-27.6%).

What is the issue that prompts the general public to consider John
McCain a moderate? It appears to be two fold. First, McCain is seen as a
"centrist" candidate who can get votes from Independents and Democrats.
If McCain is now dubbed a "centrist," the media has reported that George
Bush is "moving to the right." Gary Bauer's surprise endorsement of
McCain is a last minute effort to bring religious conservatives into the
McCain camp.

The second, and probably the most important identity that McCain has
among Democrats and Independents is his co-endorsement of the
McCain-Feingold Campaign Finance Reform act. Senator Feingold, one of
the most liberal senators in the Senate, and McCain have both gotten a
lot of mileage out of their "Campaign Finance Reform" package, even
though it appears to totally undermine the First Amendment and would
probably be declared unconstitutional after a few votes, as were
provisions of the post-Watergate "campaign finance reforms" of the
1970s.

The constitutionality of key provisions of the 1974 Campaign Finance
Reform amendments was immediately challenged in a lawsuit filed by
Senator James L. Buckley (Conservative Party, New York) and Eugene
McCarthy (former Democratic Senator from Minnesota) against the
Secretary of the Senate, Francis R. Valeo. The Supreme Court handed down
its ruling on January 30, 1976. Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976)."

In its decision, the Court upheld contribution limits because they
served the government's interest in safeguarding the integrity of
elections by" preventing even the appearance of corruption of public
officials." However, the Court overturned the expenditure limits,
stating: 'It is clear that a primary effect of these expenditure
limitations is to restrict the quantity of campaign speech by
individuals, groups and candidates. The restrictions...limit political
expression at the core of our electoral process and of First Amendment
freedoms.' Acknowledging that both contribution and spending limits had
First Amendment implications, the Court stated that the new law's
"expenditure ceilings impose significantly more severe restrictions on
protected freedoms of political expression and association than do its
limitations on financial contributions." The Court seemed to indicate,
however, that the expenditure limits placed on publicly funded
candidates were constitutional because Presidential candidates were free
to disregard the limits if they chose to reject public financing; later,
the Court affirmed this ruling in Republican National Committee v. FEC.
445 U.S. 955 (1980)."

This decision has a very powerful impact on the current primary because
George W. Bush has rejected public financing. John McCain, on the other
hand, has not and therefore is legally bound to abide by the 1974
provisions.

Campaign finance reform is not a new issue in America. In fact, every
current notion of campaign finance reform has already been considered
and some of them instituted and later abandoned in America's political
history. The first paragraph of the McCain-Feingold bill states:


`(1) IN GENERAL- A national committee of a political party (including a
national congressional campaign committee of a political party) and any
officers or agents of such party committees, shall not solicit, receive,
or direct to another person a contribution, donation, or transfer of
funds, or spend any funds, that are not subject to the limitations,
prohibitions, and reporting requirements of this Act.,
This appears to be an attempt to get around the Supreme Court decision
which declared the 1974 Amendments to the Campaign Finance Law of 1971
unconstitutional. The court has held that contributing money to a
political candidate is a form of speech, since that contribution allows
the candidates to purchase newspaper, radio or TV advertising. Limiting
the money to purchase the ads naturally limits the candidate's ability
to get his r her message out.

Ironically, it is John McCain who has been hoisted on his own petard in
this situation. Even though he possibly could raise enough money in the
primary to compete with George W. Bush, he has opted to take tax funds,
rather than rely on the donations of supporters, thereby limiting the
amount of money he can spend. McCain's current situation also is a great
example of the danger and absurdity of tax-financed political campaigns.
Because of the change in public interest, cause by McCain winning the
New Hampshire primary, a lot more money is really needed by both
candidates to get their messages across to the public. George W. is able
to raise needed money for the rest of the 50 states. John McCain is
limited by his decision to accept the "free" money. He gave away
fundamental rights to communicate for a mess of pottage.

While there has been a lot of discussion in recent days about whether or
not John McCain was truthful about his experiences as a prisoner of war,
at this late date there is no way anyone can actually determine who is
telling the truth and who isn't. We know, because of independent
witnesses, that John McCain WAS shot down over Hanoi and other Americans
later did meet him in one or another Prisoner of War camp in Vietnam. He
was in a Hanoi hospital for the first six months of his captivity, and
there are no witnesses to his stories of abuse and torture which led to
his decision to give information to his captors.

At this point in history, it isn't very productive to debate what
happened during those six weeks. No one can either corroborate his
version of the story or prove it wrong. However, it is possible to
examine and determine McCain's honesty and integrity based on his
behavior and his work as a U.S. Senator. And, since much of his sudden
popularity, especially with Democrats and Independents actually stems
from his championing of the McCain-Feingold Campaign Finance Act, a
close investigation of his actions involving campaign finance and the
financing of his own campaign now is a legitimate area of inquiry.

One of the best descriptions of the impact of the McCain-Feingold bill
appeared in the Rocky Mountain News, Tues., Sept. 21, 1999, in Denver,
Colorado in an editorial entitled: "Free Speech vs. `Reform':


Suppose that you were upset about potholes in a neighborhood street.
Imagine that you started cranking out leaflets to win the support of
fellow residents and maybe even to get them to consider the issue in the
next city council election. And now suppose that the city government
told you to cut it out on the ground that the amount of money you were
spending on those leaflets was corrupting politicians. You just might
suspect someone was messing with your freedom of speech, right?
Your assessment would be correct. And it would be equally correct to
believe that a campaign finance bill passed recently in the House of
Representatives would abridge the First Amendment guarantees of
untethered political expression. The bill is aimed principally at money
that's given to political parties for reasons other than directly
influencing a candidate's election or defeat at the polls. The
legislation would ban those kinds of unregulated contributions, and the
cheers have been deafening.

But why is it that applauding throngs are so eager to quell free speech?
Can't they see that it's as much an abuse of power to stop a rich donor
from piling money at the door of the Republicans or the Democrats as it
would be to limit the distribution of leaflets by a neighborhood
activist? The Senate sponsors of a similar bill reportedly plan to drop
one particularly obnoxious provision of the House
legislation--regulating the content of issue advertisements that comment
on candidates--but the proposed law remains an anti-democratic
restriction of political discussion.

This so-called reform may be stopped this year by filibuster. It ought
to be stopped because members of Congress recognize that the best cure
the current system's many ills is more complete disclosure of
contributors and even more freedom for direct campaign contributions,
not less liberty for all of us.

Very few Americans actually understand the McCain-Feingold Campaign
Finance Bill, which is why I have posted it in full in another article
today. What John McCain HAS done, and he has done it in full view of an
admiring media and a supportive Democratic party leadership, is to brand
every Senator who has objected to passage of his bill, and most of those
objecting are Republicans, as part of a "triad" of "corruption"
resulting from Campaign contributions which, he claims, has led to "pork
barrel spending" on the part of those Senators. He has presented himself
to the public as the war hero defender of truth, justice and the
American way or, as he said in the Larry King Show debate, as "Luke
Skywalker." He has successfully, with the help of the media, portrayed
the rest of the Senate as "Washington insiders" corrupted by "soft
money."

And that, folks, explains why 38 Senators are supporting George W. Bush
and why he may not even carry his own state of Arizona in the
Presidential race. The real issue isn't what did or didn't happen 25
years ago in Vietnam. It's how just how much honesty and integrity has
John McCain shown in his drive to force his colleagues in the Senate to
accept a Campaign Finance bill which they believe is an attack on the
First Amendment and which it appears McCain is trying to force through
the Senate with unprincipled and unsubstantiated attacks on fellow
Senators.

To comment: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
http://www.reagan.com/HotTopics.main/document-2.18.2000.0.html

Bard

Blood Money Financing Bush Bid?

http://www.spotlight.org/Newsbureau/Prisoner/Eletter/eletter.html

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