-Caveat Lector- <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/"> </A> -Cui Bono?- from: http://www.larouchecampaign.com/pages/usvlarouchefootnotes.htm Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.larouchecampaign.com/pages/usvlarouchefootnotes.htm">http://w ww.larouchecampaign.com/…hefootnotes.htm</A> ----- Footnotes 1. During the 1974-76, the State Department circulated internationally, the January 1974 New York Times attack on LaRouche, and other vilifications drawn from both the FBI and private sources. For example, on March 18, 1976, a cable was sent “To All American Diplomatic and Consular Posts,” describing the National Caucus of Labor Committees (the philosophical association founded by Lyndon LaRouche) as “a small, fanatical ... violence-oriented” organization, and repeating other derogatory characterizations taken from the FBI. After a Bangladesh government newspaper published an article by an EIR correspondent, a March 24, 1976 cable was sent to the U.S. Embassy in Dacca, over Kissinger’s signature, also quoting from the New York Times. Declassified State Department documents also point to the involvement of Kissinger’s State Department in the expulsion of EIR correspondents from the Foreign Press Association in Germany in 1975, and in the arrest and detention of an EIR correspondent in Lima, Peru in 1976. 2. Boston’s Federal Judge Keeton is among the notable exceptions. See his review of the abortive trial over which he had presided: See Memorandum and Order, August 10, 1988, U.S.A. v. The LaRouche Campaign, et al., United States District Court District of Massachusetts CR. No. 86-323-K. 3. A fair, if incomplete view of the reasons why this characterization is required, is to be obtained through study of the documentation supplied in the 1989 publication, Railroad! See below. 4. Commission to Investigate Human Rights Violations (Washington, D.C.: 1989). 5. The belated release, in January 1992, of the official FBI document exposing the FBI’s 1973 intent to bring about what the FBI described as the “e limination” of Lyndon LaRouche, is typical of the way in which crucially clarifying elements of evidence have turned up, sometimes decades after the fact of the matter. See references to that “elimination” document, below. 6. In the August 16, 1999 oral argument before a three-judge panel in D.C.’s Federal District Court, Keeney stated, “...The Dissent is going to put into question the Constitutionality of the Act [the 1965 Voting Rights Act]. And that’s a different question than the statutory interpretation of the act itself.” The Dissent to which Keeney referred was authored by U.S. Supreme Court Justice Scalia and endorsed by Chief Justice Rehnquist and Justice Thomas in the 1996 case Morse v. Republican Party of Virginia, 116 S. CT.1186 (1996). 7. The principal relevant U.S. Justice Department official, back in 1983, and still today, is a top official of the permanent bureaucracy of the Department, Deputy Assistant Attorney General John Keeney, the father of the same John Keeney, Jr., who, as attorney for the Democratic National Committee, moved in Federal Court for the nullification of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. See “John Keeney, John Richard, and the DOJ Permanent Bureaucracy,” EIR, June 30, 1995; “Justice Department: The Corruption Is in the Permanent Bureaucracy,” EIR, April 25, 1997; and, Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., “Lying and Racism inside the Democratic Party,” EIR, Dec. 17, 1999. 8. E.O. 12333 Section 2.7 reads, “Agencies within the Intelligence Community are authorized to enter into contracts or arrangements for the provision of goods or services with private companies or institutions in the United States and need not reveal the sponsorship of such contracts or arrangements for authorized intelligence purposes....” 9. On March 27, 1973, various Philadelphia media, including Channel 3 TV’s 6 p.m. news and the Philadelphia Tribune, gave wide coverage to an announcement by the FBI’s surrogate Communist Party U.S.A.-linked Ed Schwartz, head of the Philadelphia Campaign for Adequate Welfare Reform (CAWRN), which demanded a halt to the holding of the founding conference of the National Unemployed and Welfare Rights Organization (NUWRO), an organization catalyzed by Lyndon LaRouche and the National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC). Schwartz’s statement also called for Left to stop the NUWRO conference, and following its airing by the media, Communist Party hooligans deployed to mobilize riotous assembly to prevent the conference from occurring. 10. The release of this document essentially did no more than confirm what we knew and stated at various points during the course of December 1973 and early January 1974. We had conclusive evidence of collaboration between certain U.S. and foreign official agencies, including the United Kingdom and the State Security agencies of East Germany, during the second half of 1973. We also had repeated evidence of activity by known hit-squad capabilities imported into New York City, and directly targetting me during December 1973. The FBI document confirms the facts we reported to the press during early January 1974. The fact that the FBI was orchestrating the affairs within the Communist Party’s National Committee in this way, has global strategic implications for the U.S. government at that time. Two facts from the middle 1970s illustrate the point in a crucial way. First, in early 1974, a top official of the Soviet diplomatic service emphasized that CPUSA National Chairman Gus Hall was “a personal friend of Leonid Brezhnev,” then Soviet General Secretary. This discussion, in New York City, was initiated by a Soviet diplomat, in the immediate aftermath of the abortive elimination operation conducted with FBI coordination, during December 1973. Second, as corroborated by crucial documentary evidence secured during that same period, the East Germany Ministry of State Security was conducting an operation against me, run, in part, through West Germany, from about February 1974 through no later than June 1974, during part of the same period of operations referenced by the FBI “elimination” document dating from November 1973. 11. New York Times, January 20, 1974. 12. September 24, 1976, Stephen Rosenfeld writes an op-ed in the Washington Post titled “NCLC: A Domestic Political Menace,” in which he sets out a media policy for dealing with LaRouche: “We of the press should be chary of offering them print or air time. There is no reason to be too delicate about it: Every day we decide whose voices to relay. A duplicitous violence prone group with fascistic proclivities should not be presented to the public unless there is reason to present it in those terms.... The government should be encouraged to take all legal steps to keep the NCLC from violating the political rights of other Americans.” 13. Letter from FBI Director Clarence Kelly to Warren Hamerman dated September 13, 1977. This letter ostensibly closed the case then being used as a pretext for continuing the ongoing FBI COINTELPRO and related operations. However, the operations actually continued internationally until about the same time that the Mont Pelerin Society and Anti-Defamation League were launching their 1978 “COINTELPRO”-style operations under nominally private covers. 14. The American Family Foundation (AFF) created the fable that LaRouche was the mastermind of a destructive and dangerous cult. This became attached to most media portrayals of LaRouche, and laid the groundwork for the infamous 1986 raid by a joint Federal-state task-force of 400 armed agents led by the FBI on offices related to LaRouche’s activities in Leesburg, Virginia. An armed task-force also surrounded LaRouche’s Leesburg residence, and according to statements by law enforcement operatives involved, plans also called for an attack which would have murdered LaRouche. The wanton killing of innocent children and others at Waco by a similar task-force, had the crucial involvement of AFF-linked “experts” such as Rick Ross of the Cult Awareness Network. The AFF was established in the early 1980s as a private counterintelligence and special operations group modeled on the “Watson Plan” of IBM’s Thomas Watson, Jr. At the close of World War II, Watson drew up operational plans to “privatize” the function of the Office of Strategic Services on behalf of some of Wall Street’s most powerful families, who normally avoid the spotlight, using a network of private corporations and law firms for operational and financial support. An operational warchest of more than a million dollars was amassed for AFF’s early projects and its largest donors included the Bodman Foundation and various foundations of Richard Mellon Scaife. Watson’s nephew, John N. Irwin III, was a member of Bodman’s board of directors. Scaife funded John Train’s “ Get LaRouche” Salon. Bodman was housed in the law offices of Morris and McVeigh, who provided support to the intelligence operation known as the Process Church, a satanic cult, whose active supporters included John Markham, the lead Federal prosecutor in the Boston trial of LaRouche. The AFF launched the early 1980s operations in Europe against LaRouche’s associates there. Father Haack, AFF’s International Education director, coordinated operations in Germany and France, exporting the cult slander with a 1980 article in the German publication PDI. PDI was later documented to have been funded by the East German intelligence service, the STASI. 15. The ADL has always maintained a close relationship with the DOJ’s permanent bureaucracy. For example, a February 4, 1985 FBI memo to all field offices in the United States, contains a list of ADL regional telephone numbers and the FBI’s speed dial codes for these numbers. 16. Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., “How Our World Was Nearly Destroyed,” and Stuart Rosenblatt, “How Mr. Fixit Nearly Wrecked the World,” a book review of Kai Bird’s biography of John J. McCloy, The Chairman, in EIR, Oct. 23, 1998. 17. United States Senate, Hearings before the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities; Vol. 6, Federal Bureau of Investigation. 94th Congress, Second Session, 1975. 18. The Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) was adopted by Congress in November 21, 1974 as a by-product of the Church Committee and related proceedings. This is a crucial development, as bearing upon the post-September 1977 shift to the attack launched jointly by Heritage, ADL, et al. 19. Founding of CFR during 1920s under direction of British intelligence’s John Wheeler-Bennet, the sponsor of Henry A. Kissinger’s Professor William Yandell Elliot. 20. The June 1978 Heritage Foundation “Institution Analysis” Report authored by Francis Watson entitled “U.S. Labor Party,” utilizing a bizarre set of formulations gathered from such “sources” as the hard-line Maoist October League newspaper, and the Socialist Workers Party newspaper, The Militant. Branding LaRouche a violent extremist, it was distributed to hundreds of U.S. corporate heads and institutional leaders. In March 1978, the ADL began a systematic harassment and defamation campaign, working through the Jewish Community Relations Council to demand that LaRouche’s views be banned from public locations, and publishing the lie in various press outlets that LaRouche was the most dangerous and violent right-wing extremist around. See, e.g., the Berkeley Barb, August 1978, “Who Are the Terrorists,” where ADL Western Coordinator David Lehrer spread this defamation against LaRouche. Finally, in 1979, the ADL put these defamations out in its own name in an ADL Fact-Finding report. 21. Letter from Henry A. Kissinger to FBI Director William Webster, Aug. 19, 1982. 22. On October 7 and 8, 1979, the New York Times published the Blum and Montgomery slander piece under the titles, “U.S. Labor Party: Cult Surrounded by Controversy,” and “One Man Leads U.S. Labor Party on Its Erratic Path.” Then, an editorial titled “The Cult of LaRouche,” is published on October 10, 1979. 23. The three relevant Executive Orders are: E.O. 12331, Oct. 20, 1981, which reestablished the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB). PFIAB was originally established in 1956 under Eisenhower; it was dissolved by Carter, and reestablished in the Reagan-Bush Administration. Members of PFIAB in 1982-1983 included: Anne Armstrong (chairman), Leo Cherne (vice-chairman), David Abshire, Edward Bennett Williams, Adm. Thomas Moorer, Bobby Ray Inman, H. Ross Perot, and Claire Booth Luce. E.O. 12333, Dec. 4, 1981, “United States Intelligence Activities,” a revision of E.O. 12036 (1978); it established the National Security Council as the “hig hest Executive Branch entity” for review, guidance, and direction of all foreign intelligence, counterintelligence, and covert operations, and it permitted U.S. intelligence agencies to enter into secret contracts for services with “private companies or institutions.” E.O. 12334, also Dec. 4, 1981, reestablished the Intelligence Oversight Board, a three-member board which provided legal “cover” to covert operations. 24. The meeting took place at Charley O’s restaurant in New York City on July 23, 1979. 25. In the July 23, 1979 meeting, reporter Blum stated that the proposed New York Times article was intended to start a government investigation of LaRouche and his associates and he needed an “eye catcher.” Blum stated that, “the article does not have to be especially true.” Blum went on to say, “A government investigation is what you and I want, isn’t it,” and, “...|while it might sound cynical, it is more important for the government that something appears in the New York Times than whether or not it is true.” 26. Ibid, see footnote 22. 27. During a period including May 1983, NBC-TV reporter Pat Lynch participated in planning sessions hosted by New York private banker John Train. These meetings featured Train’s coordinating role, using agents of NBC-TV, the Wall Street Journal, Readers’ Digest, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), and members of the intelligence community then linked to Vice-President George Bush and Lt. Col. Oliver North, to orchestrate a coordinated campaign of mass-media defamation against the 12333-targetted LaRouche. Pittsburgh multi-millionaire Richard Mellon Scaife, of Ted Olson Salon notoriety, was a key backer of the operation which brought King and drug-use promoter John Foster “Chip” Berlet into the Train cabal’s operations. As ADL operative Myra Boland’s later testimony showed, NBC-TV’s Lynch had lied under oath in deposition hearings, respecting Train’s role in shaping her libelous frauds of March 1984. Train and members of his circle such as Pat Lynch, served as a cover for conducting controlled witnesses, called “defectors,” into the witness pool of perjured witnesses for Federal prosecutors’ use in both the Boston and Alexandria trials. The methods of brainwashing used to create such witnesses have been documented in legal discovery of government and related evidence. All of the witnesses among so-called former associates of the defendants, were part of that witness pool maintained under private cover, thus providing prosecutors the pretext for evading their accountability for use of what they knew or suspected to be perjured witnesses. The core of this prepared pack of perjurers was the group identified at both the Boston and Alexandria trials as the “Hallowe’en Party” group, the group which NBC-TV’s Pat Lynch conduited to the Federal prosecutors. 28. On August 19, 1982, Henry Kissinger wrote a “Dear Bill” letter to FBI Director William Webster thanking him for an earlier note, and to put him on notice that Kissinger’s attorney, Bill Rogers of Arnold and Porter law firm, would be contacting him “about LaRouche.” Four days later, Rogers sent a letter to Webster asking for the FBI to look into the LaRouche “group,” thanking the Director for his “interest in the matter,” and relating that Kissinger hopes “the Bureau takes appropriate action.” On September 16, Webster replied that the FBI is “limited” in what it can do “since the data we have [doesn’t] justify an inquiry,” at this time. Eight days later, the FBI ’s Security Chief of Intelligence Division, James Nolan, issued a report on “L aRouche and the EIR,” concocting a pretext for launching a foreign counterintelligence investigation of LaRouche and EIR by claiming that their activities and publications are “propitious to Soviet disinformation and propaganda interests” even though “there is no firm evidence that Soviets are directing or funding LaRouche or his organization.” Then on November 25, Kissinger again writes to Webster demanding an investigation of LaRouche and his associates, but this time he uses the buzzwords “disinformation campaign supported by foreign intelligence services,” and insists that the FBI must find out “who finances this network.” This November 25 letter is hand-delivered to Webster by PFIAB member Edward Bennett Williams. In December, various divisions of the FBI look into it, but conclude there are no violations of law. But then, on January 12, 1983, Webster reports that at a PFIAB meeting the subject of whether the FBI had a basis for investigating “ under the guidelines or otherwise,” the “U.S. Labor Party and ... LaRouche,” is discussed. Edward Bennett Williams raised the question of “sources of funding,” and “whether hostile foreign intelligence agencies” were involved. The tripwire had been crossed, and on the same day the General Litigation and Legal Advice Section (GLLAS) of the DOJ filed a formal request for the FBI to open an investigation. 29. John C. Keeney, Sr. joined the Justice Department in 1951, during the heyday of J. Edgar Hoover and McCarthyism, and was assigned to the Internal Security Division; Keeney was put in charge of anti-communist Smith Act cases until 1960, when he transferred to the Criminal Division. Since 1973, he has been the senior career prosecutor in the Criminal Division--where he has far more power than the temporary political appointees who nominally head the Criminal Division. Senator Edward Kennedy in 1973 said that “the Internal Security Division of the Justice Department represents the Second Coming of Joe McCarthy and the House UnAmerican Activities Committee.” The Internal Security Division was disbanded after the Congressional investigations of the 1970s, and its functions and personnel were divided up between the new Internal Security Section of the Criminal Division (espionage cases and the Foreign Agents Registration Act), and the newly created General Litigation and Legal Advice Section (GLLAS) of the Criminal Division. The most notorious figure from the old Internal Security Division was Guy Goodwin, who ran over 100 grand juries in the early 1970s targetting radicals, anti-war activists, unions, and others. Goodwin went into GLLAS as a special advisor in 1979. Much of the “LaRouche” portfolio also went into GLLAS, under the direction of Benjamin Flannagan, who had been in the old Internal Security Division with Keeney starting in 1955. Flannagan headed the unit in GLLAS called “special civil matters,” which included the defense of civil actions which could “inter fere with ... national security operations.” It was the GLLAS section, which ordered the FBI to investigate Henry Kissinger ’s complaints against LaRouche. Five days after the January 12, 1983 meeting of the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, a Justice Department memorandum from D. Lowell Jensen, the Assistant Attorney General in charge of the Criminal Division, instructed the FBI to report the results of its investigation directly in writing to Lawrence Lippe, the chief of the GLLAS section. Kissinger’s law firm, Arnold and Porter, in Washington, communicated directly with Lippe and the GLLAS section, according to FBI documents. 30. Beyond the Kissinger matter, GLLAS was involved in virtually every aspect of the LaRouche case in the 1980s. In 1984, GLLAS defended the Secret Service’ s denial of security protection to Presidential candidate LaRouche. The litigation was handled by GLLAS senior legal advisors Benjamin Flannagan and Victor Stone. In 1986, GLLAS was assigned by then-Criminal Division head William Weld to coordinate collection of the Boston contempt fines against organizations identified with Lyndon LaRouche--which led to the illegal bankruptcy seizure of three publishing and distributing companies. In March 1987, Weld contacted James Reynolds of GLLAS, to ask if there would be any problem for prosecutors in the LaRouche criminal case, if the government were to initiate an involuntary bankruptcy action. Shortly after this, four senior GLLAS attorneys, including Flannagan and Stone, held a conference call with DOJ bankruptcy specialist David Schiller. Documents later released under the FOIA contain handwritten notes made by Reynolds during the call, in which Reynolds wrote: “Benefit is that a trustee is immediately appointed. They are ordered to shut down the business immediately.” A marginal note next to this reads: “T rustee’s role is to shut down the entities.” (This totally contradicted the prosecutors’ official denials, that they did not intend to shut down the publishing companies.) When the judge in the 1988 Boston trial of LaRouche ordered an “all-agency search” of Federal agencies, including the office of Vice President George Bush, for any exculpatory documents concerning LaRouche, it was Benjamin Flannagan of GLLAS who coordinated the search--and, of course, found nothing. After the collapse of the Boston case, the Justice Department prepared to move the case to the Eastern District of Virginia, where they could be certain of having a rigged judge and jury. However, to bring a second indictment while the first was still pending was highly questionable, even by Justice Department standards. Prosecutors went to Mark Richard for formal approval to bring the second prosecution against Lyndon LaRouche, and then Keeney signed the official authorization. On October 14, LaRouche and the other targets of the Alexandria prosecution went into Federal court in Washington, D.C., to attempt to enjoin the pending indictment. Because the action involved a pending grand jury indictment, the courtroom, presided over by Judge Stanley Sporkin (the former CIA general counsel), was closed. Just as the proceeding got under way, two attorneys from GLLAS, Flannagan and Stone, came running breathlessly up to the courtroom and demanded entrance. In an affidavit submitted in a later case, Flannagan stated that he had been “personally directed by ... John Keeney to go to Judge Sporkin’s courtroom” to assist Alexandria prosecutor Henry Hudson in opposing LaRouche’s request for an injunction. Sporkin quickly denied the injunction, and within a few hours, LaRouche and six codefendants were indicted. 31. This included an official, fraudulent, and defamatory letter, dated March 18, 1976, issued against me internationally over Kissinger’s personal signature. The issue was my ongoing campaigning for monetary reforms consistent with the proposal for a just new world economic order adopted at the August 1976 Colombo, Sri Lanka conference of the Non-Aligned Nations organization. 32. Excerpts from Kissinger’s 1974 “National Security Study Memorandum 200: Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests,” Dec. 10, 1974, were published in EIR, June 9, 1995. 33. This was a two-day EIR seminar in Washington, D.C., on Feb. 18-19, 1982, on ballistic missile defense based on new physical principles. See Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., “Only Beam-Weapons Could Bring to an End the Kissingerian Age of Mutual Thermonuclear Terror: A Proposed Modern Military Policy of the United States,” a National Democratic Policy Committee pamphlet (New York City: 1982). 34. In all its principal features, the relevant, concluding five-minute segment of the President’s March 23, 1983 address, followed the outline I had presented as a tentative option, to the Soviet Government, at a Washington hotel back-channel meeting of 1982. This coincidence was not accidental. Notably, however, Lt.-Gen. (ret.) Daniel Graham’s Heritage Foundation, which had been a savage opponent of SDI during the latter part of 1982 and early 1983, intervened quickly, through certain Republican Party channels, to force a radical modification of the policy, modifications which led into the intrinsically incompetent notion of ballistic missile defense being popularized in some circles today. 35. The transcript of Kissinger’s Chatham House address was obtained by EIR from Kissinger’s office at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). The chairman of CSIS was David Abshire, who was one of those who pressed Kissinger’s demand for an FBI investigation of LaRouche upon the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board in January 1983. 36. “Moscow’s Secret Weapon: Ariel Sharon and the Israeli Mafia,” EIR Special Report, March 1, 1986, Chapters|I and II. 37. See Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., “Mexico/Ibero-America Policy Study: Operation Juarez,” EIR Special Report, Aug. 2, 1982. 38. During this period, Kissinger received a series of appointments to official posts within the Reagan Administration, including to PFIAB itself. These appointments of Kissinger correlate precisely, in form and intent, with the establishment of both Project Democracy and its twin, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), to the board of which latter Kissinger was appointed. The latter two Orwellian concoctions in the art of Doublespeak and Newspeak, Project Democracy and NED, played a pivotal role in aspects of the “ Get LaRouche” task-force’s operations then, and that role continues to the present day. 39. After the mistrial in Boston, several jurors were interviewed by the Bosto n Herald. The May 5, 1988 issue carried a headline, “LaRouche Jury Would Have Voted ‘Not Guilty.’|” The article reported that jurors would have “unanimously decided they would find LaRouche, six aides and five organizations innocent of all charges based on evidence presented since the trial began on Dec. 7.” One of the jurors interviewed cited government misconduct as a compelling factor in his vote: “It seemed some of the government’s people caused the problem [for LaRouche] ... adding that evidence showed people working on behalf of the government may have been involved in some of this fraud to discredit the campaign.” See Railroad!. 40. In an August 10, 1988 Memorandum and Order, Judge Keeton found “institutio nal and systemic prosecutorial misconduct that occurred during the first trial.” 41. See footnote 30. It is instructive to note how many of the same Justice Department and GLLAS personnel, who were involved in the targetting and frame-up of LaRouche, are also implicated in the filing of false testimony in the case of renegade CIA officer Edwin Wilson in the early 1980s, and then covering up this prosecutorial misconduct. (See box, p. XX.) 42. As post-trial evidence showed beyond doubt, in that trial, not only most of the key prosecution witnesses, but even members of the jury gave false testimony under oath! The prosecution was fully witting that those witnesses’ testimony was false. 43. The FBI waited until the very day that the illegal bankruptcy was filed, April 20, 1987, to begin interviewing lenders. On that date, an FBI telex was sent to every FBI office in the United States and internationally, with instructions to begin interviewing LaRouche’s political supporters who had made loans to the publishing companies that the Government had just bankrupted. The telex included instructions that agents should persist in their efforts to interview lenders, to the point of undermining those individuals political support for LaRouche. 44. The record shows, that the entirety of the charge of loan fraud was a concoction of a joint prosecutorial task-force of Boston and Alexandria Federal and Commonwealth of Virginia prosecutors. The record shows, that it was the intent of Federal prosecutors to fabricate a loan-fraud case by these combined operations of February and April 1987. It was decided to hold these charges back, held in reserve for the contingency that the Federal prosecution might fail in Boston. As related trial proceedings in other locations proved, the characterization of the loans in these cases, by both Virginia and Federal prosecutors, was a willfully fraudulent one. 45. Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., Oct. 12, 1988 Berlin address forecasting the immi nent collapse of the Comecon system, and the early emergence of Berlin as the capital of a reunified Germany. See Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., Presidential candidate’s nationwide TV broadcast, “The Winter of Our Discontent,” Oct. 31, 1988. The full transcript appeared in EIR, Nov. 4, 1994. 46. This was indeed pointed out to Judge Bryan, who would not permit fact or considerations of truthfulness to interfere with his determination to keep his railroad running on his arbitrary schedule. 47. Take into account the months of saturation of the Virginia population from which the jury pool was drawn, with the heavy propaganda of defamation against me from the Washington Post, and virtually all of the mass print and electronic media of the area. Then, consider the trial judge’s pre-trial and in-trial rulings on relevant matters, and the perfunctory and, in fact, corrupted voir dire of the jury selection itself. Judge Bryan was fully witting in his fanatical rigging of this as other features of pre-trial and in-trial rulings. 48. which, as post-trial investigations showed, this jury was not. See Motion to Vacate, Set Aside, Correct Sentence Under 28 U.S.C. Section 2255, U.S.A. v. LaRouche, et al., U.S. Court of Appeals, (4th Cir.) Docket No. 92-6701. 49. “LaRouche Was Innocent, as Dreyfus Was,” Washington Post, March 1, 1989. “ LaRouche Case Like Dreyfus Affair,” International Commission for Human Rights, Washington Post, March 3, 1989. 50. As a matter of provable principle, empiricism and positivism must be included with slavery, cannibalism, and serfdom as bestial misconceptions of the nature of man. 51. See “Motion to Affirm” [99-1212], submitted to the Supreme Court of the U.S.A. by DNC General Counsel Joseph M. Sandler and attorney of record John C. Keeney, Jr. 52. “Why the British Kill American Presidents,” New Federalist pamphlet, December 1994, pp.|24-31; and Anton Chaitkin, “Why the British Kill American Presidents,” unpublished book manuscript, 1995. 53. See Appendix C, “The FBI: An American Okhrana,” in Dope, Inc.: The Book That Drove Kissinger Crazy (Washington, D.C.: Executive Intelligence Review, 1992). 54. In 1976, I was already the best qualified among the visible candidates to become President. For the sake of our nation, I should have become President in 1980 and 1988. I am the only candidate actually qualified to be President at the present crisis-juncture. Think of the flip side of that point; why have no other qualified candidates appeared at this juncture? There should be dozens of qualified candidates contending at open party nominating conventions. The culling-process has reduced our citizen’s actual choices to but the one candidate the oligarchical interest is most fanatically determine to crush and eradicate. 55. If you think seriously about the matter, Martin Luther King was the person best qualified, personally, to become President in 1968, and should have become President, had he lived, in 1972 or 1976. He had proven his capability of pulling most of the nation together for the purpose of justice for all of the people, a rare quality among candidates of the recent three decades. 56. Bernard Mandeville, The Fable of the Bees, or Private Vices, Public Benefits (London: 1714). Mandeville argued for legalization of all vices, with the argument that the mysterious processes of percussive interaction among individual’s impulses, must automatically produce a result consistent with public interest. This same satanic doctrine of Mandeville’s was explicitly adopted by the late Friedrich von Hayek as the religious premise of his and Professor Milton Friedman’s Mont Pelerin Society, the hand behind the Washington, D.C. Heritage Foundation and numerous other rabidly “free trade” cult-organizations polluting the political scene today. Lord Shelburne’ s puppet, Adam Smith, adopted the satanic doctrine of Mandeville as the central feature of his 1759 The Theory of the Moral Sentiments, and adopted the implicitly Frondist dogma of pro-feudalist Dr. Francois Quesnay’s laissez- faire as one of the many features of the Physiocratic dogma plagiarized for Smith’s own Wealth of Nations. One might often wonder, whether the sly Justice Scalia recognizes the satanic origins of his own response to the dogma of shareholder value. --[cont]-- Aloha, He'Ping, Om, Shalom, Salaam. Em Hotep, Peace Be, All My Relations. Omnia Bona Bonis, Adieu, Adios, Aloha. Amen. Roads End <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are not allowed. Substance—not soap-boxing! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, misdirections and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRL gives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. CTRL gives no credence to Holocaust denial and nazi's need not apply. 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