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Forwarded intact, credit where credit is
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-----Original Message-----
From: "Gene Karl"<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: THE BILL OF RIGHTS IS SEPARATE
AND SUPREME

>
>American Patriot Pamphlet #5
>
>THE BILL OF RIGHTS IS SEPARATE AND
SUPREME
>by Ralph Boryszewski
>
>Copyright 1996
>All Rights Reserved
>permission was granted by Ralph
Boryszewski
>http://www.frontiernet.net/~ralphb1/
>to Gene Karl
>The Anti-Federalist Society
>http://www.no-debts.com/anti-
federalist/index.html
>to place this information on the
internet.
>THE BILL OF RIGHTS IS SEPARATE AND
SUPREME
>
>       A basic precept to remember is that
the Bill of Rights is separate
>from and supreme over the Constitution
and is the final check over the
>Constitution and its officers. This Bill
of Rights check is administered
>directly by people on Grand and Trial
Juries. The following are examples
>why the Bill of Rights is supreme.
>       Article 1 of the Bill of Rights
places a limitation (or check) on
>the law making power of
Congress. "Congress shall make no law...
abridging
>the freedom of speech, or the press..."
>       Article 4 of the Bill of Rights
places a limitation (or check) on
>the executive power commanded by the
President and those who assist him.
>"The right of the people to be secure in
their persons, houses, papers, and
>effects, against unreasonable searches
and seizures shall not be violated."
>       Article 7 of the Bill of Rights
places a limitation (or check) on
>the judicial power in that "... no fact
tried by a jury shall be otherwise
>re-examined in any court of the United
States."
>       The Bill of Rights places direct
checks on the members of the
>legislative, executive and judicial
departments of government. The
>legislative, executive and judicial
departments are without the authority
>to place checks on the people's Bill of
Rights. At the Constitutional
>Convention a motion was made and
seconded that a Bill of Rights be
adopted.
>The lawyers unanimously rejected the
Bill of Rights. At the ratification
>conventions, the people insisted that
the Constitution be rejected unless a
>Bill of Rights was delivered.
>       The lawyers at the Convention
placed the supremacy provision in
>Clause 2 of Article VI: "This
Constitution and the laws of the United
>States which shall be made in pursuance
thereof... shall be the supreme law
>of the land." The Constitution and the
laws of the United States can not be
>"the supreme law of the land" if they
can be set aside by the people on
>Grand and Trial Juries for not being in
conformity with the people's Bill
>of Rights.
>       In using this power over the
federal government the people can
>easily negate the authenticity of the
claim made in Clause 2 of Article VI.
>A law enacted by Congress cannot "be the
supreme law of the land" if the
>people on a Bill of Rights Jury refuse
to convict the person who was
>charged with breaking that law. Under
the Bill of Rights, twelve people
>have more power than the Congress and
the President who enacted and signed
>the law. A law enacted by Congress must
be taken off the books if the
>people on a Jury repeatedly nullify
it. "The senators and
>representatives... and the members of
the several State legislatures, and
>all executive and judicial officers,
both of the United States and of the
>several States" should have been
challenged to stop them from taking an
>oath to support the Constitution as "the
supreme law of the land," once the
>Bill of Rights became the people's
direct and independent check on the
>Constitution. Both the Constitution and
the laws of the United States "made
>in pursuance thereof" could no longer be
claimed to "be the supreme law of
>the land." That is why Madison and his
fellow lawyers, who dominated the
>Philadelphia Convention, unanimously
rejected the proposition that the
>Constitution be prefaced with a Bill of
Rights.
>       The Bill of Rights did not amend
the Constitution. The Bill of
>Rights should have been listed and
returned to the recalled state ratifying
>conventions for their immediate approval
as a separate document. The people
>who had attended the ratifying
conventions were not sure they would
enjoy
>life, liberty, and property without a
written guarantee to protect them
>from encroachments of the federal
government. To this end, one hundred
>twenty-four amendments were proposed by
the seven conventions which
>demanded protections from abuses that
might arise under the Constitution.
>The Bill of Rights should have been
prefaced to the Constitution with a
>message somewhat like Virginia's Bill of
Rights, and should have been
>stated as follows:
>
>A Declaration of Rights made by the
people [of the United States] in the
>exercise of their sovereign powers,
which rights are inherent and
>inalienable and pertain to the people
and their posterity, as the basis and
>foundation of government.
>
>       The people in the state conventions
would have been more familiar
>with the Bill of Rights they had
previously sent to the First Congress and
>could have re-examined it along with any
proposed amendments. The people
>would have responded quickly. However,
James Madison in the House along
>with Oliver Ellsworth in the Senate and
their fellow lawyers did not want
>an immediate response. They needed time.
So they sent the Bill of Rights to
>the state legislatures for ratification.
In those state legislatures there
>were many Federalists who delayed action
on the Bill of Rights for more
>than twenty-seven months before granting
approval. This gave President
>Washington ample time to appoint
justices to the Supreme and inferior
>Courts as well as an Attorney General,
clerks, marshals and attorneys for
>the United States whom the Senate could
quickly approve. During this time
>the First Congress hastily established
the salaries of the various
>officials who would then draw Grand and
Trial Juries into their judicial
>vortex.
>       When the Bill of Rights was finally
ratified on December 15, 1791,
>the federal courts had already taken the
first step in reducing the Bill of
>Rights from being an effective
independent check on all three
departments
>of government. This was accomplished
because the people were not aware of
>the fact that when the Bill of Rights
was ratified, the people on Grand and
>Trial Juries were empowered to check the
laws of Congress or acts of the
>President and his underlings that
infringe on the basic rights of the
>people and decisions of the Supreme and
inferior Courts that infringe on
>the proceedings and actions of Grand and
Trial Juries.
>
>SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND: THE
CONSTITUTION OR THE BILL OF RIGHTS?
>
>       The founding fathers left
provisions in the Constitution that were
>in direct conflict with the Bill of
Rights because they planned to use the
>courts to get decisions favorable to
themselves. The judges could do this
>only by upholding the claim that the
Constitution was "the supreme law of
>the land," and of course that any
questions coming before the courts would
>be decided by them. To make sure that
the people on Grand and Trial Juries
>would not have the final say and that
the Constitution would rule, the
>lawyers wrote in Article III Section 2
Clause 2 that "... the Supreme Court
>shall have appellate jurisdiction, both
as to law and to fact" (my
>emphasis). However, the inherent power
to judge both the law and fact was
>established by the Trial Jury which
rescued John Peter Zenger in 1735 from
>unlawful persecution by the courts fifty-
two years before the
>Constitutional Convention met in
Philadelphia. That jury's decision was
>fundamental in establishing freedom of
the press in America. Without a free
>press the colonists would never have
been able to publish the Declaration
>of Independence or to keep the people
aroused until they won their war for
>liberty.
>       The people are sovereign and so are
their Juries. Judges are
>granted limited powers in dealing with
the Constitution. The courts cannot
>second guess the Jury's decision on the
law with its "appellate
>jurisdiction," because Juries can refuse
to honor laws that are unjust or
>infringe upon basic rights. The public
needs to know more on Jury
>nullification powers.
>       It is claimed that Madison wanted
to incorporate the Bill of Rights
>into the text of the Constitution but
the House decided to propose it as
>supplementary. It could be neither. The
Bill of Rights had to be ratified
>as a separate document because it
directly contradicts many provisions of
>the Constitution. How then could these
two contradictory documents be as
>one?
>       For example, the Constitution in
Article III section 1 states: "The
>judicial power of the United States
shall be vested in one supreme
>court..." Section 2 clause 1 of the same
article states: "The judicial
>power shall extend to all cases in law
and equity arising under this
>Constitution, the laws of the United
States and treaties made..." Section 2
>clause 2 of the same article
states, "... the supreme court shall have
>appellate jurisdiction, both as to law
and to fact." However, Article 6 of
>the Bill of Rights states: "In all
criminal prosecutions, the accused shall
>enjoy the right to a speedy and public
trial, by an impartial jury..." The
>judicial power therefore is vested in a
jury of people that judges both the
>law and fact. Article 7 of the Bill of
Rights states that in civil cases
>"...the right of trial by jury shall be
preserved, and no fact tried by a
>jury shall be otherwise re-examined in
any court of the United States..."
>       In September 1787, the delegates to
the Convention unanimously
>voted down a motion that a Bill of
Rights be adopted. They knew that if a
>Bill of Rights was adopted the
Constitution would also have to be
amended,
>for the judicial power would have to be
recognized as belonging to juries.
>The judicial power would have to be
shared. The courts could judge only
>cases "arising under this Constitution
and the laws made in pursuance
>thereof." The court could not sit in
judgment of Bill of Rights matters or
>laws conflicting with it. This was
reserved to the judgment of the people
>serving on juries.

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