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Peace at any cost is a prelude to war!

 The American Legion Magazine

Are the United States and China on a collision course?


  By FRANK J. GAFFNEY, JR.

  March Issue, Vol. 148, No. 3

  The single-most important strategic question of the
  coming decade is likely to be: Is Communist China
  determined to harm the United States or its vital interests?
  The second-most important question is: If so, can conflict
  between our nations be avoided on terms that are
  consistent with the American people's security and
  liberties?

  Before examining these important issues, consider this
  observation about forecasts: There are few inevitabilities
  in the course of human conduct. Decisions taken - or not
  taken - at various points along the road can and do shape
  history. In hindsight, events may appear to be inevitable.
  But they rarely are.

  The trouble is that, when living through a transitional
  period, we often are unaware of the turning points, of the
  choices being made. For example, take the period that led
  up to World War II.

  Today we can clearly see evidence that the Nazis and
  Japanese were pursuing courses that would bring them
  into conflict with the United States and other Western
  democracies. We can also see the missed opportunities
  during the 1930s when different policies on the part of
  this country, Britain and France might have spared the
  world the conflagration that followed.

  Yet at the time, the democracies were lulled into inaction
  by the seductive appeal of those who claimed that
  engaging with the thugs running Germany and Japan on
  their terms - a practice that came to be known as
  "appeasement" - would spare the West the tragic costs of
  another conflict.

  This approach was tried again and again in the face of
  what proved to be insatiable demands by members of the
  fascist Axis. Feeding the tiger only made it come back for
  more. Despite the fact that Great Britain and Nazi
  Germany were each other's largest trading partners, the
  war came when it suited Hitler.

  What Beijing Wants. Unfortunately, I believe there is
  increasing evidence that a new conflict with an
  authoritarian regime is in prospect, this time with
  Communist China. As in the 1930s, this evidence is
  somewhat obscured by other information - what
  intelligence experts call "noise." Some of it is genuine.
  Some of it is misinformation.

  The difficulty of understanding which is greatly
  compounded by the efforts of those, like their
  counterparts of 60 years ago, who tell us that
  engagement will prevent conflict, that expanding trade
  and accommodation of China's demands will ensure that
  peaceful relations between our two countries are preserved.

  In fact, trade and accommodation will not necessarily
  prevent conflict with the People's Republic of China any
  more than it caused Hitler to refrain from attacking
  Britain's allies and, in due course, England herself. China
  is, after all, not the United States' "strategic partner."

  As in the 1930s, we ignore evidence of a coming struggle
  with China at our peril. If anything will make that conflict
  inevitable, it will be our failure to address what the PRC is
  up to and the strategic implications of that behavior and
  policies that guide it for our vital interests and those of
  our allies in Asia.

  Ominous Trends. Consider the following illustrative list of
  China's ominous activities. Motivation and likely
  repercussions of these activities must be separate from
  the "noise" and addressed effectively.

  The PRC's ambitious military modernization program:
  The Communist Chinese are engaged in what Mao might
  have called a "Great Leap Forward" in the lethality and
  power projection capabilities of their armed forces. The
  purpose of this effort is clear to those guiding the PRC's
  People's Liberation Army: to neutralize (preferably without
  a war) and, if necessary, defeat what the PLA's political
  commissars constantly refer to as "the main enemy" - the
  United States.

  Importantly, this effort is guided by a strategy of Sun Tzu,
  ancient China's most famous warrior-philosopher. It is not
  meant to replicate America's mighty military. Rather, it is
  being guided by a desire to find "asymmetric" means of
  exploiting our vulnerabilities. These have been identified
  as including: the United States' dependence on space for
  communications, navigation and reconnaissance; the
  susceptibility of our advanced electronic equipment to
  devastating electromagnetic pulse weapons; the current
  inability of the U.S. Navy to stop the sort of supersonic,
  anti-ship missiles China is now acquiring from Russia;
  and the absence of American defenses against ballistic
  missiles.

  Particularly worrisome is the fact that China is acquiring
  the capability to exploit these vulnerabilities. Worse yet,
  this is being done, in no small measure, via technology
  acquired legally or illegally from the United States as well
  as through a growing strategic alliance with Russia.

  Dividing and intimidating U.S. allies in the region:
  The Chinese are shrewdly exploiting their North Korean
  clients' ballistic missile programs (as well as brandishing
  the PRC's own inventory of offensive missiles). A
  principal goal is to convince Taiwan, Japan, the
  Philippines and South Korea that their ally, the United
  States, is a declining power incapable of defending them,
  making accommodation with Beijing the only option for
  containing the threat. China's president, Jiang Zemin, has
  made the point directly and bluntly in announcing that
  "Asian values" (code words for authoritarian
  subordination of the rights of the individual to the good of
  the masses) are a basis for a "new world order."

  China's espionage:
  In the wake of the still-unfolding spy scandal at Los
  Alamos, there is a growing awareness of the
  unprecedented magnitude of PRC efforts to collect
  classified and other sensitive information in the United
  States. Notably, Paul Moore, who for many years served
  as the FBI's top counterintelligence expert for China, has
  described this effort as massive, comprehensive, patient
  and deadly. It differs dramatically from the problem posed
  by Soviet moles and other agents during the Cold War. By
  exploiting the family ties and sentimental attachment to
  the motherland of many overseas Chinese, the pool of
  individuals who can be induced or compelled to gather
  even seemingly inconsequential data makes the
  challenge of tracking, to say nothing of counteracting,
  PRC espionage stupifyingly difficult.

  China's penetration of our hemisphere:
  From Canada to Brazil, Beijing is making steady inroads
  into the Western hemisphere.

  Its operations include:
  drug, alien and arms smuggling operations; replacing the
  Soviet Union as Cuba's principal international patron;
  developing military ties with America's friends like
  Ecuador and Paraguay; militarily relevant space
  cooperation with Brazil; introducing PLA combat
  engineer brigades into Latin America in the name of
  assisting in infrastructure development; and securing, via a
  Chinese company with close ties to the PRC's military and
  intelligence services, effective control of the Panama Canal.

  The PRC's increasing assertiveness around the Pacific
  Rim and Asia:
  In Pakistan and Myanmar, in Malaysia and waters claimed
  by the Philippines, Beijing is establishing relationships,
  bases and intelligence collection facilities that offer China
  unprecedented opportunities to project its power and
  influence.

  Chinese proliferation:
  The PRC sees its trade in weapons technology as a
  powerful vehicle for winning friends and influence with
  useful rogue states such as Libya, Syria, Iraq, Iran and
  North Korea. By so doing, the Chinese are greatly
  exacerbating the power of anti-U.S. forces.

  Penetration of the U.S. capital markets by PLA and
  Chinese government-affiliated entities:
  These entities are raising billions of dollars from largely
  unsuspecting American investors via debt and equity
  offerings. The effect is a "two-fer" for Beijing: It can
  simultaneously secure vast new quantities of largely
  non-transparent, undisciplined funds while giving
  potentially millions of our countrymen a vested interest in
  the appeasement of China lest their pension funds, life
  insurance portfolios, mutual funds or other investments
  be jeopardized.

  China's penetration of the U.S. political system:
  Finally, there is the appearance that illegal Chinese
  campaign contributions may have shaped the
  Clinton-Gore administration's policies toward China.

  Affected areas appear to include:
  presidential decisions about the transfers of satellite and
  missile technology; the sale of hugely powerful
  supercomputers; distancing the United States from its
  long-time ally, Taiwan; looking the other way on China's
  human rights violations; and the PRC's accession to the
  World Trade Organization on terms favorable to Beijing.
  This behavior is all the more worrisome when it comes
  against the backdrop of significant internal unrest in
  China. Will Beijing use external aggression as a pretext
  for imposing greater control at home and diverting public
  anger from the government to foreign "barbarians" - a
  technique known as "social imperialism" often exploited
  by authoritarian regimes in trouble?

  What Can and Should We Do? If we have the wit to
  understand these policies for what they are - actual or
  potential threats to our security and vital interests - there
  are several things we can do to mitigate, if not eliminate,
  the danger they pose.

  The first would be to adopt a new policy of engagement.
  This would involve a concerted effort to resist the
  communist regime and work on bringing about its
  downfall as Ronald Reagan worked to destroy an earlier
  "Evil Empire." Such a policy would brook no further trade
  subsidies for China and intensify outreach efforts,
  through Radio Free Asia and other means, to those inside
  the PRC anxious to bring about its complete
  transformation to a democratic nation.

  The United States should also be focusing on rebuilding
  our allies' confidence in American power and security
  guarantees, something sorely lacking today and critically
  needed if we are to reinvigorate and expand our relations
  with other democracies in Asia.

  A second initiative would reinforce the first by sharing
  critical defensive capabilities with those in Asia with
  whom we share democratic values. A top priority, in light
  of the growing threat posed by Chinese and others'
  long-range missiles, would be for the United States to
  build and deploy effective anti-missile defenses for both
  our forces and allies overseas and for the American
  people here at home. The way to acquire this capability fastest,
  most effectively and least expensively is from the sea, by
  giving the Navy's AEGIS fleet air defense system the
  ability to shoot down ballistic missiles.

  Finally, we must preserve the ultimate guarantor of our
  security, and that of our allies: America's nuclear
  deterrent. The Senate's recent rejection of the
  Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty - which would have
  denied us the one proven means of assuring the safety,
  reliability and effectiveness of our arsenal - was a step in
  the right direction. We must now act to assure those
  criteria are satisfied for the foreseeable future by conducting
  periodic underground nuclear tests and taking sensible steps to
  upgrade our current nuclear inventory.

  By making prudent choices, we may not be able to
  prevent an ultimate conflict with Communist China. But
  we will be acting to minimize that horrible prospect and to
  put ourselves in the strongest possible position to deal
  with it in the event the collision proves unavoidable.



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