"Nothing has changed since the feudal era,'' said Shigenori Okazaki, a political analyst at Warburg Dillon Reed. ``Being born into a political family, or getting into the national bureaucracy, is one of the only ways to become a politician.'' Dynasties Vs. Democracy in Japan By MARI YAMAGUCHI .c The Associated Press TOKYO (AP) - Yuko Obuchi is 26 years old, barely out of college, and has never been elected to public office. But her father was prime minister - and that's why many see her as the perfect parliamentary candidate. In Japan, where elections are looming, being a politician's son, daughter, widow or even cousin is often enough to wrap up voter support. For Obuchi, who announced her candidacy Tuesday, inheriting office is something of a family tradition. Her father - Keizo Obuchi, who died this month - was first elected to Parliament at age 26 to fill a seat left vacant by the death of his father. ``I'm running at the same age as my father,'' she said. ``I feel I am standing at the same start line.'' Yuko Obuchi worked as an assistant director at a television station before becoming her father's aide. At a news conference Tuesday, she did not talk about her campaign platform. ``To me, my father was an ideal politician, and I want to emulate him,'' she said. But with many of Japan's top politicians and nearly one-third of the lower house of Parliament born into political families, concerns are being raised over whether this country's still young democracy is being smothered by ``inheritance politics.'' ``Nothing has changed since the feudal era,'' said Shigenori Okazaki, a political analyst at Warburg Dillon Reed. ``Being born into a political family, or getting into the national bureaucracy, is one of the only ways to become a politician.'' The phenomenon isn't new. Before World War II, membership in the House of Peers was by appointment and included adult males of the imperial family, heads of the hereditary peerage and a few notable scholars and major taxpayers. That system was eliminated under Japan's postwar Constitution and replaced by an upper and lower house in which all members are elected. With elections for the lower house of parliament to be held June 25, the resurgence of political dynasties has become the focus of media attention. The major parties generally refuse to confirm who they will endorse as candidates until after campaigning officially begins on June 13. The trend toward dynasty-building is unmistakable, however. Some 140 of the lower house's 500 seats are held by descendants of former lawmakers. In the less powerful 252-member upper house, the number is 30. The number of such family-held seats in the lower house has risen steadily, more than tripling from just 38 in the early 1960s, and the holders of those seats have often proven to be the most influential politicians. Four of Japan's seven most recent prime ministers are second- or third-generation lawmakers. Former Justice Minister Seiroku Kajiyama and former Prime Minister Noboru Takeshita have announced they will not run next month. Instead, the party is likely to endorse Kajiyama's son and Takeshita's younger brother. In Obuchi's case, supporters are hoping to capitalize on an expected sympathy vote - the election date coincides with her father's birthday. Still, one of Japan's largest newspapers, the liberal-leaning Asahi, warned voters not to choose candidates based on their family name. ``We need to decide who to vote for based on who the candidate is, not what family they are from,'' it said in a commentary. Some voters are also becoming more wary of the tradition. ``Inheritance politics has nothing to do with policies,'' said Satoko Kishi, a Tokyo office worker. ``It's wrong for one family to monopolize a constituency as if it's their private property.''
