Click Here: <A HREF="http://www.newsmakingnews.com/">NewsMakingNews Secret Connections Covert Operat…</A> ----- HARD TO SAY ANYTHING GOOD ABOUT D. LOWELL JENSEN. complied by Kathryn Dixon © 2000 Contents: Click to October Surprise corruption. Click to INSLAW corruption. Click to false CIA affidavit in Edwin Wilson trial. Click to "heads-up" to protect Ollie North during Iran Contra. D. LOWELL JENSEN'S ORDER WHICH COVERED UP CYRUS HASHEMI'S ARMS SMUGGLING AND HIS ROLE IN THE OCTOBER SURPRISE. D. Lowell Jensen ordered the U.S. Attorney in New York to alert Hashemi's lawyer so that he avoided eminent arrest for arms smuggling. Cyrus Hashemi was allegedly a witness to two meetings in Madrid between William Casey and Iranian representatives when the October Surprise was arranged. 1. The background of the Madrid Meetings which made Cyrus Hashemi an important witness: Source: In Trick or Treason, author Robert Parry reports what Jamshid Hashemi told him about his brother Cyrus Hashemi's' meeting in Madrid regarding the October Surprise: "But the Hasehmi brothers' dual sets of U.S. contacts--one the Carter administration and the other the Republicans--began to cross in march 1980. while staying at Washington's stately Mayflower Hotel, Jamshid said he was surprised by an unannounced visitor at this room: Roy Furmark knocked on the door. With Furmark, Jamshid claimed, was a tall, hunched man who spoke with a slurred New York accent. he was introduced as William Casey. By March 1980, Casey was director of Ronald Reagan's campaign for the Republican presidential nomination. "Casey wanted to discuss political matters," Jamshid told us over the clicking of luncheon plates. "I cut him short. I said, `I don't know who you are.' I called Cyrus and told him there was this gentleman here. Cyrus talked to Mr. Casey." Jamshid said he thought little about the Mayflower encounter until the summer. But in July, Cyrus confided to him that the relationship had taken another turn. "Cyrus asked me to bring Ayatollah Mechi Karrubi out of Iran for a meeting in Spain," Jamshid said. The brothers had known Karrubi , a hard-line revolutionary mullah, and his brother, Hassan, in pre-revolutionary Iran, Jamshid said. To bring Mehdi Karrubi out, Jamshid said he arranged for the radical mullah to travel to Madrid. The Spanish capital was a favorite for the Iranians because no visas were required. "The meeting took place at a hotel--the Ritz Hotel--at the end of July, "Jamshid said, claiming matter of factly that on the American side were William Casey and an active-duty CIA officer, Donald Gregg. On the Iranian side, Karrubi came dressed in a turban and cloak, the traditional attire of an Islamic mullah. Jamshid and Cyrus attended to help with interpreting. But Jamshid expressed surprise that Casey was there. "I remember saying, `What the hell are you doing with Republicans?'" Jamshid told Ross and me. "My brother said the chance of Republicans getting to power was good and it as important to work with both sides." Jamshid was sketchy about the dialogue at the meeting. He claims the session began at about 11:00 and ended by late afternoon, with time out for sandwiches brought into the room for lunch. But Jamshid said that when Casey put his cards on the table, his desire was clear. "The proposal was to hold the hostages until after the election, and then the Reagan administration would feel favorably towards Iran and release the FMS [foreign military sales] funds and the frozen assets and return to Iran what had already been purchased." The already purchased supplies referred to $150 million in military hardware and spare parts bought by the shah from the United States but held back when Khomeini took power and the hostages were seized. Casey's offer also included F-14 spare parts, which were crucial to the maintenance of Iran's high-tech air force, Jamshid said. As I scribbled in my notebook, which was perched at the edge of the dining table, Jamshid continued his story. He spoke deliberately, sometimes with hesitation. Occasionally he stopped in the midst of a detail to take a bit of food or answer the chirping of his cellular phone. Then he resumed the tale. After the July meeting with Casey, Jamshid said, Karrubi returned to Tehran, where he consulted with Khomeini and the ayatollah's senior advisers. Two to three weeks later, Karrubi called and asked Jamshid for a second meeting. New arrangements were made, and that meeting, too, was held in Madrid at the Ritz. Casey and Gregg again represented the American side, and Karrubi was back for the Iranians. Jamshid said that throughout the two rounds, "Casey was running things," but Gregg "was giving information that Casey didn't know or even we didn't know about, really inside-government information, like where the spare parts were." At this second round, Karubbi again came dressed in full battle gear as an Iranian mullah. He "confirmed" Kohmeini's agreement to release the hostages only after Reagan won power, Jamshid said, "Karrubi expressed acceptance of the proposal by Mr. Casey," Jamshid told us. "the hostages would be released after Carter's defeat." As we finished with a light fruit dessert and delicious coffee at the Grosvenor House, I pressed Jamshid on one question in particular: Why was he talking now about events that he alleged happened a decade earlier? He answered that he was speaking from a sense of family responsibility over his younger brother's death. Jamshid rejected the medial finding of acute leukemia. "Cyrus passed a physical only a week before he died," Jamshid said, "the doctors found nothing wrong." Jamshid suspected his brother had been murdered. .... Jamshid said he hadn't told his story earlier because he felt it would destroy his business. Now, he said, he had made enough money to support himself and his family. Jamshid added that he also recognized that Cyrus's double-dealing would not make his late brother look good. But he wanted to know the truth about his brother's death. Talking about the October Surprise, he felt, was the only way to discover what really happened." [NewsMakingNews Note: Cyrus Hashemi died on July 21, 1986.] 2. D. Lowell Jensen's role in protecting Cyrus Hashemi. DID CYRUS HASHEMI ACTUALLY MEET WITH WILLIAM CASEY IN MADRID, AS HIS BROTHER RECOUNTED, IN ORDER TO SET UP THE OCTOBER SURPRISE DEAL? In his book, Trick or Treason, Robert Parry does not answer this question. However, Parry explains the business dealings of John Shaheen, William Casey's long-time friend, business associate, and fellow OSS officer, whose failing business, the Come-By-Chance refinery in Newfoundland was bailed out by Cyrus Hashemi. Parry also looks at Cyrus Hashemi's being protected from criminal charges by the United States government during the Reagan administration. On pages 259-260 of Trick of Treason, Parry says: "There was a nagging question that undercut suspicions that Cyrus Hashemi had secretly aided Shaheen and Casey on any hostage initiative: If Cyrus had been the double-agent that his brother Jamshid alleged, wouldn't Cyrus have revealed the October Surprise secret when he came under FBI investigation again in the early 1980s? We could find no direct evidence that Cyrus blackmailed Casey over October Surprise--a point against believing in the conspiracy. But Cyrus did succeed in avoiding prosecution for arms smuggling. Indeed, the Iranian financier seemed to benefit from a string of actions under the Reagan administration. In February 1981, the new Justice Department ordered the wiretaps yanked from Cyrus Hashemi's office. At the time, some FBI agents complained that Cyrus was scouting the U.S. market for missile that could be used by the Iranian air force. At least a few wanted to listen in. But the field office was ordered to terminate its electronic surveillance. Though losing the wiretaps, the FBI vowed to "vigorously pursue prosecution in view of the wealth of information obtained that subject and others have been and are in conspiracy to sell military armaments to Iran which are obtained from United States suppliers." But obstacles soon appeared. A New York FBI proposal for a search warrant to seize documents from Hashemi's office got lost in a blizzard of technical objections. In April 1981, the Justice Department questioned the value of the case, doubting that a conviction would lead to jail time. "A fine will give Hashemi an aura of respectability," one cable argued implausibly. According to a January 29, 1982, internal FBI memo, a review of the evidence by senior professional staff at the Justice Department "determined that there is a strong case for prosecution against Cyrus Hashemi." But Reagan's first Attorney General William French Smith, withheld approval, and the grand jury was postponed "because of national security considerations," an FBI memo said. The heavily censored document did not spell out what those "national security considerations" were. But even two years later, as the wheels of justice turned slowly toward formally charging Cyrus Hashemi and others, the gears would jam again. On May 16, 1984, the FBI field agents complained that their hope of nabbing Cyrus when he returned to the United States was blocked by another Justice Department intervention. Cyrus had been scheduled to fly from London to New York on that day. He would be arrested on May 17. Those plans, however, went awry when the Justice Department insisted on alerting the target of the long probe. "For information FBIHQ, Cyrus Hashemi cancelled his Concorde flight reservations to New York on May 16, 1984, at last minute," the New York FBI office reported. "Hashemi's now obviously aware of prosecution plans due to exposure when DOJ deputy attorney general Lowell Jensen ordered USA, SDNY [U.S. attorney, southern district of New York] to discuss evidence and prosecution because he made such a commitment to Hashemi's attorney, former Attorney General Elliot Richardson, who obviously had Cyrus Hashemi notified." The FBI agents noted sarcastically that other targets of the probe, "will also receive the above DOJ-sponsored courtesy...Obviously the arrest will not be announced if they do not occur which in final analysis is not likely. This case began on July 18, 1980 and because of above, results of positive nature do not appear forthcoming despite the mammoth investigative effort put forth thus far." But the headaches for the "mammoth investigative effort" were not over. Only a few days before the long-overdue indictments were scheduled, the FBI's terrorism section discovered that two wiretap recordings had disappeared. The loss of the tapes weakened the case and prevented the indictment of Hashemi's lawyer, Stanley Pottinger, a former Justice Department official during the Nixon and Ford administrations who collaborated with Cyrus on his Iran activities. But Cyrus Hashemi was finally indicted on July 16, 1984, a full four years after the case commenced. The indictment also charged another brother, Reza, and several associations with conspiracy to ship military equipment to Iran in violation of U.S. arms export control laws. The illegally shipped items include night vision equipment, military field communication wire, military rafts, outboard engines, radar electronics, and spare parts for aircraft. Jamshid Hashemi was later added to the indictment. Several of Cyrus's subordinates, including brother Reza, pled guilty and received brief jail terms. but Cyrus and Jamshid, alerted to the pending legal action and safely out of the country, escaped prosecution. To clear up his legal problems, Cyrus stressed his past assistance to the CIA on Iran and again offered his services to the U.S. government. According to records uncovered by the Iran-contra investigations, Cyrus did convey, through Shaheen to Casey, an offer to help spring the U.S. hostages in Lebanon. Cyrus proposed bartering his influence with Tehran in exchange for dropping the charges against him. Subsequently, Cyrus did work with Shaheen and Furmark in early 1985 on the Lebanon hostage crisis. Another participant in those early Iran-contra schemes was Iranian emissary Hassan Karrubi, the brother of radical clerk Mehdi Karrubi. Cyrus eventually avoided prosecution by acting as an undercover agent in the sting operation that netted 17 alleged arms dealers from Europe, the United States, and Israel in April 1986--the so-called "Merchants of death" case. it was the same sting which angered Israel's conservative leaders, and, according to Ari Ben-Menashe, led to his efforts to leak the Iran arms story to the American press. At least in that way, the October Surprise mystery had blended with the Iran-Contra Affair." [To read Trick or Treason, the October Surprise Mystery by Robert Parry, 1993 Sheridan Square Press, New York, order at: http://www.consortiumnews.com/ ] Click back to contents. JUDGE JENSEN'S MALFEASANCE AND COMPLICITY IN THE THEFT OF PROMIS SOFTWARE FROM INSLAW. Source: Executive Summary (Excerpt) by Inslaw, Inc. CEO, Bill Hamilton See http://www.newsmakingnews.com/Jensen.htm http://www.newsmakingnews.com/Inslaweneathcontempt.html In piecing together the puzzle of the Government's theft of the proprietary version of PROMIS from INSLAW, we have noted the role of the Government's PROMIS Project Manger in sending Rafi Eitan to INSLAW under false pretenses and the alleged role of a senior White House National Security official in giving the proprietary version of PROMIS to Rafi Eitan. The missing piece to the puzzle appears to be the piece that links the actions of the Justice Department's PROMIS Project Manager with the alleged actions of the senior White House National Security official. Based on the available evidence, the missing piece appears to be D. Lowell Jensen, who was Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division at the time of the theft. Jensen pre-approved virtually every decision taken by the Government's PROMIS Project Manager under INSLAW's contract, according to the latter's sworn testimony to the House Judiciary Committee. Jensen engineered INSLAW's problems with the Justice Department through specified top Criminal Division aides in order to give the PROMIS business to unidentified "friends," according to Justice Department officials whose statements and backgrounds INSLAW summarized in its July 11, 1993 rebuttal. At the time of the 1983 theft, Jensen in the Criminal Division and Edwin Meese at the White House were planning to award a massive sweetheart contract to unidentified "friends" for the installation of PROMIS in every litigation office of the Justice Department, according to statements made in June 1983 by a Justice Department whistleblower to the staff of a Senator on the Judiciary Committee. The award was allegedly to take place once Meese left the White House to become Attorney General. Jensen and Meese had been close friends since the 1960's when they served together in the Alameda County, California, District Attorney's Office. INSLAW has repeatedly given the Justice Department the names of senior Criminal Division officials under Jensen who either allegedly helped him implement the malfeasance against INSLAW or who allegedly witnessed it. On more than one occasion, INSLAW summarized for the Justice Department the circumstantial evidence that is at least partially corroborative of these allegations. Based on warnings from confidential informants in the Justice Department, INSLAW has repeatedly emphasized to the Justice Department the absolute necessity of placing these officials under oath before interrogating them, as well as the importance of a public statement by the Attorney General guaranteeing no reprisals. More than five years have elapsed since INSLAW began furnishing this information to the Justice Department. Not one of these Criminal Division officials has, it appears, ever been interrogated under oath regarding the INSLAW affair. And no Attorney General has seen fit to issue a public statement to Justice Department employees making it clear that the Attorney General wishes employees who have information about the INSLAW affair to come forward, and giving Justice Department employees the public assurance that reprisals will not be tolerated. One of the senior Criminal Division officials who allegedly knows the whole story of Jensen's malfeasance against INSLAW is Mark Richard, the career Deputy Assistant Attorney General who has responsibility for intelligence and national security matters. In May 1988, the Chief Investigator of the Senate Judiciary Committee told INSLAW that a trusted source, who was in a position to observe Jensen's malfeasance, had identified Mark Richard as someone who not only knew the whole story but who was also "pretty upset" about it. One of the organizational units that reports to Mark Richard is the Office of Special Investigations (OSI). OSI's publicly-declared mission is to locate and deport Nazi war criminals. The Nazi war criminal program is, however, a front for the Justice Department's own covert intelligence service, according to disclosures recently made to INSLAW by several senior Justice Department career officials." Additional sources: See http://www.newsmakingnews.com/Jensen.htm http://www.n ewsmakingnews.com/Inslaweneathcontempt.html Click back to contents. JUDGE JENSEN PUT A FALSE CIA MEMORANDUM INTO EVIDENCE AT THE TRIAL OF EDWIN WILSON IN ORDER TO CONVICT HIM AND THEN COVERED IT UP. Source: Did the U.S. Put Away Notorious Arms Trader Ed Wilson with False Testimony? EVEN SPOOKS HAVE RIGHTS By Ken Silverstein (c) 1999 The Nation, October 4, 1999 http://www.newsmakingnews.com/dockwilsonnation.htm "D. Lowell Jensen, now a federal judge in Oakland; and Stanley Sporkin, a federal judge in Washington knew before or immediately after the Houston trial that the CIA's affidavit was false. As recorded in notes obtained under the FOIA these men discussed the CIA's relationship to Wilson extensively, but failed to share their information with Wilson's defense. And in hearings last March before US District Court Judge Lynn Hughes, the Justice Department's Arlene Reidy, who is helping coordinate the government's response to Wilson's motion, acknowledged, we have a lot of documents already that I think show that there was a clear problem with the affidavits accuracy and that the individuals involved were well aware of that problem." Click back to contents. JUDGE JENSEN GAVE THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL A "HEADS UP" THAT MIAMI PROSECUTORS WERE GOING TO FILE CHARGES AGAINST OLIVER NORTH DURING THE IRAN CONTRA SCANDAL. Source: Barron's March 21, 1988 Beneath Contempt. Did the Justice Department Deliberately Bankrupt INSLAW by Maggie Mahar. See: http://www.newsmakingnews.com/Inslaweneathcontempt.html "And from 1959 until 1967, Ed Meese served with Jensen, as an Alameda deputy district attorney. When Ronald Reagan became President, Ed Meese recommended that his former colleague, Jensen, be appointed assistant Attorney General in charge of the Criminal Division. In 1983, when Rudolph Giuliani resigned as associate Attorney General--the No. 3 spot in the department-- Jensen ascended to that post. So in early 1984, when Edwin Meese became Attorney General, his old Alameda County compatriot was already in place. And Jensen was not alone. A network, nicknamed the Alameda County Mafia, already was ensconced in Justice. No fewer than six former Alameda County law-enforcement officials held positions ranging from deputy assistant attorney in the tax division, to commissioner of naturalization and immigration. The former Oakland deputy police chief had snagged a spot as director of the National Institute of Justice. Under Meese, Jensen rose to No. 2, and developed a reputation as a buffer between Ed Meese and his critics. The 58-year-old Democrat was described as "soft-spoken" "apolitical" and a "gentleman of the old standard" in a 1986 "New York Times" tribute, which added, "Colleagues say that Mr. Jensen, better than anyone else at the Justice Department, knows how to duck." The Justice Department's diplomat had to duck when congressional investigators looking into the Iran-Contra affair reportedly found a Justice Department memo dated March 20, 1986, saying that Deputy Assistant Attorney General D. Lowell Jensen was giving a "heads-up" to the National Security Council, warning that Miami federal prosecutors were on Ollie North's trail. Source: Barron's March 21, 1988 Beneath Contempt. Did the Justice Department Deliberately Bankrupt INSLAW by Maggie Mahar. See: http://www.newsmakingnews. com/Inslaweneathcontempt.html ----- Aloha, He'Ping, Om, Shalom, Salaam. 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