Familiar names and themes?

Excerpt from second of below forwarded posts:

"The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the
 United States less for intelligence purposes than for political
 advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for
 the Republicans. One Israeli intelligence officer joked that when
 Dulles used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about
 the Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the
 eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who infected
 Western intelligence with Nazi recruits."


 "In 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research
 organization, awarded the honor of "Top Censored story" to the
 subject of George Bush. The article revealed "how the major
 mass media ignored, overlooked or undercovered at least ten
 critical stories reported in America's alternative press that raised
 serious questions about the Republican candidate, George
 Bush, dating from his reported role as a CIA 'asset' in 1963 to his
 Presidential campaign's connection with a network of
 anti-Semites with Nazi and fascist affiliations in 1988." (4)


From: "Ann" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: "David Crockett Williams" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "David E fawcett"
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "Gary Barrett" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "Gene Weeks"
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "Peter McWilliams" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "Rebecca
Bird" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "Rick Root" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "Rusty Stuart"
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "Sister Somayah" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "Steve
Kubby" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; "William Britt CA" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>;
"Jeanne+Jack Herer" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: FYI - re: an idea..
Date: Sunday, June 04, 2000 12:07 AM


Richard MELLON Scaife

For a look at the current heir to Andrew Mellon's throne..
uh, 'fortune' click on this link
http://www.salon.com/news/1998/10/01news.html

This is the money-man behind the 'Get Clinton' campaign. Whitehead and
Klayman, I believe, live off Mellons's bankroll as well. (Like Ken Starr
and friends.)

Here is the hub of the 'vast right wing conspiracy'. Hillary may not
have been too far off after all. That's why this is questionable ground.
It's the same cast of characters.. and they are NOT NICE PEOPLE.

----[SALON | Oct. 1, 1998
author Murray Waas is Salon's award-winning investigative reporter
covering Whitewater]
  http://www.salon.com/news/1998/10/01news.html

Scaife tells why he cut off Spectator's funding

The reclusive billionaire points the finger at fellow Arkansas

Project conspirators in testimony before the grand jury.

BY MURRAY WAAS

WASHINGTON -- Conservative billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife testified
to a federal grand jury earlier this month that he had terminated the
funding of a four-year, $2.4 million effort to investigate and
discredit President Clinton in late 1997, because of concerns about how
his money was being spent, according to sources familiar with his
testimony.

The grand jury in Fort Smith, Ark., has been investigating allegations
since August that funds from that effort, known as the Arkansas Project,
were provided to David Hale, the central anti-Clinton witness in the
Whitewater investigation of independent counsel Kenneth Starr.

The alleged payments to Hale were made during the time that he was a
cooperating witness with Starr's investigation of the president. The
grand jury heard testimony in early August from two witnesses who have
said that they had firsthand knowledge of the numerous cash payments to
Hale by Parker Dozhier, a former Arkansas Project employee.

Funds for the Arkansas Project were funneled through the American
Spectator magazine to two conservative political activists, Stephen S.
Boynton and Dave Henderson, who directed the effort. Boynton, an
attorney and lobbyist, and Henderson, a former vice president of the
American Spectator Educational Foundation, have denied that the Arkansas
Project made covert payments of money to Hale.

Meanwhile, however, federal investigators have uncovered evidence that
individuals associated with the Arkansas Project paid at least $8,800
in legal fees to Jay Bequette, a Little Rock attorney who briefly
represented Hale in a criminal case. Bequette did not return telephone
calls seeking comment Wednesday.

Sources familiar with those payments say that Bequette received the
funds in 1996 to defend Hale against state criminal charges that he had
looted funds from his own insurance company and then made
misrepresentations to state regulators to conceal the company's
insolvency.

As Salon has previously reported, Boynton and Henderson also played an
instrumental role in assisting Hale in finding legal counsel when the
Senate Whitewater committee had demanded testimony from Hale that same
year. As a result of their assistance, prominent Washington attorney
and conservative political partisan Theodore B. Olson agreed to
represent Hale free of charge in a successful effort to assist Hale in
avoiding testifying to the Senate committee.

Olson, a former Reagan administration official, also provided legal
advice to both the American Spectator and the Arkansas Project, and has
served on the boards of four conservative political groups funded by
Scaife. Olson, who is a longtime friend of Starr, did not return phone
calls.

Scaife told the grand jury that he had terminated his funding of the
Arkansas Project because he and his top advisors were not able to obtain
a proper accounting of how the funds allocated for the endeavor were
being spent, sources said. Scaife had said that a top aide, Richard
Larry, had requested the accounting from American Spectator officials,
but they were hesitant to provide it.

Scaife was also said to have told the grand jury that he knew nothing
about any payments of money to Hale, and asserted that he had little
knowledge of the day-to-day operations of the Arkansas Project. Yale
Gutnick, an attorney for Scaife, declined to comment about his client's
grand jury testimony.

(The account of Scaife's testimony to the federal grand jury was
provided by individuals close to the reclusive scion of the Mellon
family and philanthropist of conservative causes. This account could
not be independently corroborated by law enforcement authorities. Often,
private individuals disclose such testimony to a federal grand jury in
order to present a more favorable impression of the witness who gave
the testimony.)

Frank Dunham, a prominent white-collar criminal defense attorney
representing Boynton, responded to Scaife's charges by saying: "The
notion of why he [Scaife] says he stopped funding the Arkansas Project
is wrong."

Dunham also said Boynton had maintained detailed records of how he
administered the funds of the Arkansas Project: "Mr. Boynton can
account for all except how $4.74 were spent ... There are receipts for
everything."

And Dunham denied that his client was involved in any way with assisting
Hale in obtaining legal counsel: "No Arkansas Project money went to Jay
Bequette. No private money went from Steve Boynton to Jay Bequette,"
Dunham said.

The involvement of Dunham in the case only underscores the high stakes
for Boynton and others currently under investigation. A former federal
prosecutor from Alexandria, Va., Dunham has been involved in a number of
high-profile cases in recent years, including that of an FBI employee
accused of espionage by passing on government secrets to Russia.

In the 1980s, Dunham represented an FBI deputy director, W. Mark Felt,
who had allegedly authorized illegal burglaries of criminal suspects.
Felt was later pardoned by President Ronald Reagan.

David Henderson, the conservative activist who helped run the Arkansas
Project with Boynton, has also retained a prominent lawyer for his
dealings with federal prosecutors. Henderson's attorney is Richard Leon,
a former Reagan administration official and counsel to the House Iran-
contra committee. Currently a partner with the Washington law firm of
Baker & Hostetler, Leon had served as chief counsel to the House Banking
Committee during its investigation of Whitewater.
SALON | 10/1/98

---------->>[Ann, continues:]--dcw

The WoD isn't about DRUGS - It's about OIL

----more bedfellows-----
(I've included Nixon, though he's dead,
many of his pals are still alive.)

---[below Ann excerpts from "Nazis in the attic"
 www.emperors-clothes.com/articles/randy/swas1.htm
"Did the Bush Family, including the ex-President, along with GM & Ford help
the Nazis before and after WWII?" by Randy Davis (5-24-00)]---dcw


RICHARD MILHOUSE NIXON

 In this section we will explore the Nazi connections of Richard
 Nixon. To do so we must return to the years just after the end of
 World War II and, of course, a man named Dulles.

 The irony of Nixon's political career ending with a cover-up can
 only be appreciated with the knowledge that this turbulent
 career also began with one. Loftus and Aarons state that:

 "According to several of our sources among the 'old spies,'
 Richard Nixon's political career began in 1945, when he was the
 navy officer temporarily assigned to review . . . captured Nazi
 documents." The documents in question revealed the wartime
 record of Karl Blessing, "former Reichsbank officer and then
 head of the Nazi oil cartel, Kontinentale Ol A.G. 'Konti' was in
 partnership with Dulles's principal Nazi client, I.G. Farben. Both
 companies had despicable records regarding their treatment of
 Jews during the Holocaust. After the war Dulles not only 'lost'
 Blessings Nazi party records, but he helped peddle a false
 biography in the ever-gullible 'New York Times.'"

 The authors' sources reveal that not only did Dulles help cover
 up his Nazi client's record, he "personally vouched for Blessing
 as an anti-Nazi in order to protect continued control of German
 oil interests in the Middle East. Blessing's Konti was the Nazi
 link to Iben Saud [King of Saudi Arabia] and Aramco [the
 Arabian-American Oil Company]. If Blessing went down, he could
 have taken a lot of people with him, including Allen Dulles. The
 cover-up worked, except that U.S. Naval Intelligence scrutinized
 a set of the captured Konti records."

 According to the "old spies," Allen Dulles made a deal with the
 young navy officer who was reviewing the Konti files - Richard
 Nixon. Nixon would help Dulles bury the Konti files. In return,
 Allen Dulles "arranged to finance [Nixon's] first congressional
 campaign against Jerry Voorhis." (1)

 Dulles's support for Nixon paid off in 1947 when, as the freshman
 congressman from California, he "saved John Foster Dulles
 considerable embarrassment by privately pointing out that
 confidential government files showed that one of Foster's
 foundation employees, Alger Hiss, was allegedly a Communist.
 The Dulles brothers took Nixon under their wing and escorted
 him on a tour of Fascist 'freedom fighter' operations in Germany,
 apparently in anticipation that the young congressman would be
 useful after Dewey became president." [He would be useful
 anyway, despite the fact that incumbent President Truman won
 reelection in 1948, defeating Dewey.] (2)

 After Truman's victory, write the authors, "Nixon became Allen
 Dulles's mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph
 McCarthy received volumes of classified information to support
 the charge that the Truman administration was filled with
 'pinkos.' When McCarthy went too far in his Communist
 investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his next-door
 neighbor, CIA director Bedell Smith, to steer the investigations
 away from the intelligence community.

 "The CIA was grateful for Nixon's assistance, but did not know
 the reason for it. Dulles had been recruiting Nazis under the
 cover of the State Department's Office of Policy Coordination,
 whose chief, Frank Wisner, had systematically recruited the
 Eastern European emigre networks that had worked first for the
 SS, then the British, and finally Dulles.

 "The CIA did not know it, but Dulles was bringing them to the
 United States less for intelligence purposes than for political
 advantage. The Nazis' job quickly became to get out the vote for
 the Republicans. One Israeli intelligence officer joked that when
 Dulles used the phrase 'Never Again,' he was not talking about
 the Holocaust but about Dewey's narrow loss to Truman. In the
 eyes of the Israelis, Allen Dulles was the demon who infected
 Western intelligence with Nazi recruits.

 "In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the
 Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly,
 recruited the 'displaced Fascists' who arrived in the United
 States after World War II. Like similar migrant organizations in
 several Western countries, the Ethnic Division attracted a
 significant number of Central and Eastern European Nazis, who
 had been recruited by the SS as political and police leaders
 during the Holocaust. These Fascist emigres supported the
 Eisenhower-Nixon 'liberation' policy as the quickest means of
 getting back into power in their former homelands and made a
 significant contribution 'in its first operation (1951/1952).'"

 The authors point out that "over the years the Democrats had
 acquired one or two Nazis of their own, such as Tscherim
 Soobzokov, a former member of the Caucasian SS who worked
 as a party boss in New Jersey. But in 90 percent of the cases, the
 members of Hitler's political organization went to the
 Republicans. In fact, from the very beginning, the word had been
 put around among Eastern European Nazis that Dulles and Nixon
 were the men to see, especially if you were a rich Fascist . . ." (3)

 This relationship between Richard Nixon and the Nazis
 developed because both he and Allen Dulles "blamed Governor
 Dewey's razor-thin loss to Truman in the 1948 presidential
 election on the Jewish vote. When [Nixon] became Eisenhower's
 vice president in 1952, Nixon was determined to build his own
 ethnic base.

 "Vice President Nixon's secret political war of Nazis against
 Jews in American politics was never investigated at the time.
 The foreign language-speaking Croatian and other Fascist
 emigre groups had a ready-made network for contacting and
 mobilizing the Eastern European ethnic bloc. There is a very
 high correlation between CIA domestic subsidies to Fascist
 'freedom fighters' during the 1950s and the leadership of the
 Republican party's ethnic campaign groups. The motive for
 under-the-table financing was clear: Nixon used Nazis to offset
 the Jewish vote for the Democrats.

 "In 1952 Nixon had formed an Ethnic Division within the
 Republican National Committee. 'Displaced Fascists, hoping to
 be returned to power by an Eisenhower-Nixon "liberation" policy
 signed on' with the committee. In 1953, when Republicans were
 in office, the immigration laws were changed to admit Nazis,
 even members of the SS. They flooded into the country. Nixon
 himself oversaw the new immigration program. As vice
 president, he even received Eastern European Fascists in the
 White House. After a long, long journey, the Croatian Nazis had
 found a new home in the United States, where they
 reestablished their networks.

 "In 1968 Nixon promised that if he won the presidential election,
 he would create a permanent ethnic council within the
 Republican party. Previously the Ethnic Division was allowed to
 surface only during presidential campaigns. Nixon's promise was
 carried out after the 1972 election, during [George] Bush's
 tenure as chairman of the Republican National Committee. The
 Croatian Ustashis became an integral part of the campaign
 structure of Republican politics, along with several other Fascist
 organizations." (4)

 The authors describe Nixon's pro-Nazi activities in no uncertain
 terms: "Nixon himself personally recruited ex-Nazis for his 1968
 presidential campaign. Moreover, Vice President Nixon became
 the point man for the Eisenhower administration on covert
 operations and personally supervised Allen Dulles's projects
 while Ike was ill in 1956 and 1957." (5)

 One of the Nazis recruited by candidate Nixon was Laszlo
 Pasztor, described by Aarons and Loftus as "the founding chair
 of Nixon's Republican Heritage Groups council" who, "during
 World War II . . . was a diplomat in Berlin representing the Arrow
 Cross government of Nazi Hungary, which supervised the
 extermination of the Jewish population.

 "[A]fter Nixon won [the 1968 Presidential Election], he approved
 Pasztor's appointment as chief organizer of the ethnic council.
 Not surprisingly, Pasztor's 'choices for filling emigre slots as the
 council was being formed included various Nazi collaborationist
 organizations.' The former Fascists were coming out of the
 closet in droves.

 "The policy of the Nixon White House was an 'open door' for
 emigre Fascists, and through the door came such guests as Ivan
 Docheff, head of the Bulgarian National Front and chairman of
 the American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations
 (ABN). . . . an organization dominated by war criminals and
 fugitive Fascists. Yet Nixon welcomed them with open arms and
 even had Docheff to breakfast for a prayer meeting to celebrate
 Captive Nations Week." (6)

 "During Nixon's 'Four More Years' campaign in 1971-1972, Laszlo
 Pasztor again played a key role in marshaling the ethnic vote. No
 longer a marginal player on the fringes, now he held a key
 position as the Republican National Committee's nationalities
 director. . . .

 "The Republican leadership cannot claim ignorance as a
 defense. [Syndicated Columnist Jack] Anderson's famous
 expose of Nixon's Nazis appeared in 'The Washington Post' at
 the same time as the November 1971 convention. Among those
 mentioned was Laszlo Pasztor, 'the industrious head of the GOP
 ethnic groups, [who] was never asked about his wartime
 activities in Hungary by the four GOP officials who interviewed
 him for his job.' It was too embarrassing for Nixon to admit that
 Pasztor had been a ranking member of a Fascist government at
 war with the United States.

 ". . . . It is one thing to promote obscure Eastern European
 Fascist movements in the Republican party. It is quite another to
 let the German Nazis have a major influence. After 1953, the
 Republican administration changed the rules, and even
 members of the Waffen SS could immigrate to the United States
 as long as they claimed only to have fought the Communists on
 the Eastern Front." (7)

 The Republican/Nixon attraction to Nazism was also observed by
 Robert J. Groden and Harrison Edward Livingstone, authors of
 the book, "High Treason," dealing with the Kennedy
 Assassination. Groden and Livingstone write: "Nixon
 surrounded himself with what was known as the Berlin Wall, a
 long succession of advisors with Germanic names: We recall at
 the top of his 'German General Staff' as it was also known,
 Haldeman, Erlichman, Krogh, Kliendienst, Kissinger (the
 Rockefellers' emissary) and many others.

 "The selection of German names was no accident. Many of the
 brighter staff people close to Nixon came to him from the
 University of Southern California, and the University of
 California at Los Angeles, where there were fraternities that kept
 alive the vision of a new Reich. America has for a long time
 harbored this dark side of its character, one of violence and the
 Valhalla of Wagner and Hitler.

 "But Gordon Liddy was the one in whose mind 'Triumph of the
 Will' was the most alive. Some of these men would watch the
 great Nazi propaganda films in the basement of the White House
 until all hours of the night, and drink, in fact, get drunk with their
 power, with blind ambition, as one of them wrote." (8)

 "According to several of our sources in the intelligence
 community who were in a position to know," continue Loftus and
 Aarons, "the secret rosters of the Republican party's
 Nationalities Council read like a Who's Who of Fascist fugitives.
 The Republican's Nazi connection is the darkest secret of the
 Republican leadership. The rosters will never be disclosed to
 the public. As will be seen in Chapter 16 dealing with George
 Bush, the Fascist connection is too widespread for damage
 control.

 "According to a 1988 study by Russ Bellant of Political Research
 Associates, virtually all of the Fascist organizations of World War
 II opened up a Republican party front group during the Nixon
 administration. The caliber of the Republican ethnic leaders can
 be gauged by one New Jersey man, Emanuel Jasiuk, a notorious
 mass murderer from what is today called the independent nation
 of Belarus, formerly part of the Soviet Union. But not all
 American ethnic communities are represented in the GOP's
 ethnic section; there are no black or Jewish heritage groups. . . .

 "The truth is that the Nazi immigrants were 'tar babies' that no
 one knew how to get rid of. Dulles had brought in a handful of
 the top emigre politicians in the late 1940s. They in turn
 sponsored their friends in the 1950s. By the 1960s ex-Nazis who
 had originally fled to Argentina were moving to the United
 States. . . ." (9)

 It is clear that, even before the break-in at the Democratic Party
 Headquarters on June 17, 1972, the Republicans were on the
 brink of having their pro-Nazi activities over the past four
 decades become a matter of mass-media attention. After the
 Watergate Break-in, as the Congressional Hearings began to
 reveal the slush-funds, money- laundering, illegal corporate
 campaign contributions, the political sabotage of the 1972
 Presidential election process, the involvement of ITT and the
 Nixon Administration into the assassination of Salvador Allende,
 the democratically elected president of Chile, and many other
 aspects of Nixonism, the floodgates of truth were about to open.
 Only one thing averted this wholesale learning of the truth by
 the American people: Nixon's resignation and subsequent
 pardoning by his hand- picked successor, Gerald Ford.

GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH

 ...Like Nixon, George Bush was deeply involved with supporting
 the Nazis in the Republican's closet. In fact, support for the
 Nazis was a Bush family tradition which goes back more than six
 decades and, once again, to Allen Dulles.

 Loftus and Aarons write: "The real story of George Bush starts
 well before he launched his own career. It goes back to the
 1920s, when the Dulles brothers and the other pirates of Wall
 Street were making their deals with the Nazis. . . ."

 THE BUSH-DULLES-NAZI CONNECTION

 "George Bush's problems were inherited from his namesake and
 maternal grandfather, George Herbert 'Bert' Walker, a native of
 St. Louis, who founded the banking and investment firm of G. H.
 Walker and Company in 1900. Later the company shifted from St.
 Louis to the prestigious address of 1 Wall Street. . . .

 "Walker was one of Hitler's most powerful financial supporters in
 the United States. The relationship went all the back to 1924,
 when Fritz Thyssen, the German industrialist, was financing
 Hitler's infant Nazi party. As mentioned in earlier chapters, there
 were American contributors as well.

 "Some Americans were just bigots and made their connections
 to Germany through Allen Dulles's firm of Sullivan and Cromwell
 because they supported Fascism. The Dulles brothers, who were
 in it for profit more than ideology, arranged American
 investments in Nazi Germany in the 1930s to ensure that their
 clients did well out of the German economic recovery. . . .

 "Sullivan & Cromwell was not the only firm engaged in funding
 Germany. According to 'The Splendid Blond Beast,' Christopher
 Simpson's seminal history of the politics of genocide and profit,
 Brown Brothers, Harriman was another bank that specialized in
 investments in Germany. The key figure was Averill Harriman, a
 dominating figure in the American establishment. . . .

 "The firm originally was known as W. A. Harriman & Company.
 The link between Harriman & Company's American investors and
 Thyssen started in the 1920s, through the Union Banking
 Corporation, which began trading in 1924. In just one three-year
 period, the Harriman firm sold more than $50 million of German
 bonds to American investors. 'Bert' Walker was Union Banking's
 president, and the firm was located in the offices of Averill
 Harriman's company at 39 Broadway in New York.

 "In 1926 Bert Walker did a favor for his new son-in-law, Prescott
 Bush. It was the sort of favor families do to help their children
 make a start in life, but Prescott came to regret it bitterly. Walker
 made Prescott vice president of W. A. Harriman. The problem
 was that Walker's specialty was companies that traded with
 Germany. As Thyssen and the other German industrialists
 consolidated Hitler's political power in the 1930s, an American
 financial connection was needed. According to our sources,
 Union Banking became an out-and-out Nazi money-laundering
 machine. . . .

 "In [1931], Harriman & Company merged with a British-American
 investment company to become Brown Brothers, Harriman.
 Prescott Bush became one of the senior partners of the new
 company, which relocated to 59 Broadway, while Union Banking
 remained at 39 Broadway. But in 1934 Walker arranged to put his
 son-in-law on the board of directors of Union Banking.

 "Walker also set up a deal to take over the North American
 operations of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a cover for I.G.
 Farben's Nazi espionage unit in the United States. The shipping
 line smuggled in German agents, propaganda, and money for
 bribing American politicians to see things Hitler's way. The
 holding company was Walker's American Shipping & Commerce,
 which shared the offices at 39 Broadway with Union Banking. In
 an elaborate corporate paper trail, Harriman's stock in American
 Shipping & Commerce was controlled by yet another holding
 company, the Harriman Fifteen Corporation, run out of Walker's
 office. The directors of this company were Averill Harriman, Bert
 Walker, and Prescott Bush. . . .

 ". . . In a November 1935 article in Common Sense, retired marine
 general Smedley D. Butler blamed Brown Brothers, Harriman for
 having the U.S. marines act like 'racketeers' and 'gangsters' in
 order to exploit financially the peasants of Nicaragua. . . .

 ". . . A 1934 congressional investigation alleged that Walker's
 'Hamburg-Amerika Line subsidized a wide range of pro-Nazi
 propaganda efforts both in Germany and the United States.'
 Walker did not know it, but one of his American employees, Dan
 Harkins, had blown the whistle on the spy apparatus to
 Congress. Harkins, one of our best sources, became
 Roosevelt's first double agent . . . [and] kept up the pretense of
 being an ardent Nazi sympathizer, while reporting to Naval
 Intelligence on the shipping company's deals with Nazi
 intelligence.

 "Instead of divesting the Nazi money," continue the authors,
 "Bush hired a lawyer to hide the assets. The lawyer he hired had
 considerable expertise in such underhanded schemes. It was
 Allen Dulles. According to Dulles's client list at Sullivan &
 Cromwell, his first relationship with Brown Brothers, Harriman
 was on June 18, 1936. In January 1937 Dulles listed his work for
 the firm as 'Disposal of Stan [Standard Oil] Investing stock.'

 "As discussed in Chapter 3, Standard Oil of New Jersey had
 completed a major stock transaction with Dulles's Nazi client, I.G.
 Farben. By the end of January 1937 Dulles had merged all his
 cloaking activities into one client account: 'Brown Brothers
 Harriman-Schroeder Rock.' Schroeder, of course, was the Nazi
 bank on whose board Dulles sat. The 'Rock' were the
 Rockefellers of Standard Oil, who were already coming under
 scrutiny for their Nazi deals. By May 1939 Dulles handled another
 problem for Brown Brothers, Harriman, their 'Securities
 Custodian Accounts.'

 "If Dulles was trying to conceal how many Nazi holding
 companies Brown Brothers, Harriman was connected with, he
 did not do a very good job. Shortly after Pearl Harbor, word
 leaked from Washington that affiliates of Prescott Bush's
 company were under investigation for aiding the Nazis in time of
 war. . . .

 ". . . The government investigation against Prescott Bush
 continued. Just before the storm broke, his son, George,
 abandoned his plans to enter Yale and enlisted in the U.S. Army.
 It was, say our sources among the former intelligence officers, a
 valiant attempt by an eighteen-year-old boy to save the family's
 honor.

 "Young George was in flight school in October 1942, when the
 U.S. government charged his father with running Nazi front
 groups in the United States. Under the Trading with the Enemy
 Act, all the shares of the Union Banking Corporation were
 seized, including those held by Prescott Bush as being in effect
 held for enemy nationals. Union Banking, of course, was an
 affiliate of Brown Brothers, Harriman, and Bush handled the
 Harrimans' investments as well.

 "Once the government had its hands on Bush's books, the
 whole story of the intricate web of Nazi front corporations began
 to unravel. A few days later two of Union Banking's subsidiaries
 -- the Holland American Trading Corporation and the Seamless
 Steel Equipment Corporation -- also were seized. Then the
 government went after the Harriman Fifteen Holding Company,
 which Bush shared with his father- in-law, Bert Walker, the
 Hamburg-Amerika Line, and the Silesian- American Corporation.
 The U.S. government found that huge sections of Prescott
 Bush's empire had been operated on behalf of Nazi Germany
 and had greatly assisted the German war effort." (1)

 EDWIN PAULEY

 "Try as he did," continue the authors, "George Bush could not
 get away from Dulles's crooked corporate network, which his
 grandfather and father had joined in the 1920s. Wherever he
 turned, George found that the influence of the Dulles brothers
 was already there. Even when he fled to Texas to become a
 successful businessman on his own, he ran into the pirates of
 Wall Street.

 "One of Allen Dulles's secret spies inside the Democratic party
 later became George Bush's partner in the Mexican oil business.
 Edwin Pauley, a California oil man, was . . . one of Dulles's covert
 agents in the Roosevelt and Truman admini-strations . . . a 'big
 business' Democrat. . . .

 Among the key posts held by Pauley were: treasurer of the
 Democratic National Committee, director of the Democratic
 convention in 1944 and, after Truman's election, Truman
 appointed him the "Petroleum Coordinator of Lend-Lease
 Supplies for the Soviet Union and Britain."

 Just after the end of World War II, "in April 1945 Truman
 appointed Pauley as the U.S. representative to the Allied
 Reparations Committee, with the rank of ambassador," as well as
 "industrial and commercial advisor to the Potsdam Conference,
 'where his chief task was to renegotiate the reparations
 agreements formulated at Yalta.' As one historian noted, the 'oil
 industry has always watched reparations activities carefully.'
 There was a lot of money involved, and much of it belonged to
 the Dulles brothers' clients."

 At the same time, report Loftus and Aarons, "the Dulles brothers
 were still shifting Nazi assets out of Europe for their clients as
 well as for their own profit. They didn't want the Soviets to get
 their hands on these assets or even know that they existed.
 Pauley played a significant role in solving this problem for the
 Dulles brothers. The major part of Nazi Germany's industrial
 assets was located in the zones occupied by the West's forces.
 As Washington's man on the ground, Pauley managed to deceive
 the Soviets for long enough to allow Allen Dulles to spirit much
 of the remaining Nazi assets out to safety. . . .

 "Pauley, a key player in the plan to hide the Dulles brothers' Nazi
 assets, then moved into another post where he could help them
 further. After successfully keeping German assets in Fascist
 hands, Pauley was given the job of 'surveying Japan's assets
 and determining the amount of its war debt.' Again, it was
 another job that was crucial to the Dulles clique's secret
 financial and intelligence operations." (2)

 After Pauley retired from government work he went back to
 being an independent oil man. Loftus and Aarons state that: "In
 1958 he founded Pauley Petroleum which: . . . teamed up with
 Howard Hughes to expand oil production in the Gulf of Mexico.

 "Pauley Petroleum discovered a highly productive offshore
 petroleum reserve and in 1959 became involved in a dispute
 with the Mexican Government, which considered the royalties
 from the wells to be too low.

 "According to our sources in the intelligence community, the oil
 dispute was really a shakedown of the CIA by Mexican politicians.
 Hughes and Pauley were working for the CIA from time to time,
 while advancing their own financial interests in the lucrative
 Mexican oil fields. Pauley, say several of our sources, was the
 man who invented an intelligence money-laundering system in
 Mexico, which was later refined in the 1970s as part of Nixon's
 Watergate scandal. At one point CIA agents used Pemex, the
 Mexican government's oil monopoly, as a business cover at the
 same time Pemex was being used as a money laundry for
 Pauley's campaign contributions. As we shall see, the
 Mexican-CIA connection played an important part in the
 development of George Bush's political and intelligence career.
 . . .

 "Pauley, say the 'old spies,' was the man who brought all the
 threads of the Mexican connection together. He was Bush's
 business associate, a front man for Dulles's CIA [Allen Dulles
 was CIA director then], and originator of the use of Mexican oil
 fronts to create a slush fund for Richard Nixon's various
 campaigns. . . .

 "Although it is not widely known, Pauley, in fact, had been a
 committed, if 'secret,' Nixon supporter since 1960. It should be
 recalled that Nixon tried to conceal his Mexican slush fund
 during the Watergate affair by pressuring the CIA into a 'national
 security' cover-up. The CIA, to its credit, declined to participate.
 Unfortunately, others were so enmeshed in Pauley's work for
 Nixon that they could never extricate themselves. According to a
 number of our intelligence sources, the deals Bush cut with
 Pauley in Mexico catapulted him into political life. In 1960 Bush
 became a protege of Richard Nixon, who was then running for
 president of the United States. . . .

 "The most intriguing of Bush's early connections was to Richard
 Nixon, who as vice president had supervised Allen Dulles's
 covert planning for the Bay of Pigs [invasion]. For years it has
 been rumored that Dulles's client, George Bush's father, was
 one of the Republican leaders who recruited Nixon to run for
 Congress and later convinced Eisenhower to take him on as vice
 president. There is no doubt that the two families were close.
 George Bush described Nixon as his 'mentor.' Nixon was a Bush
 supporter in his very first tilt at politics, during his unsuccessful
 run for the Senate in 1964, and turned out again when he
 entered the House two years later.

 "After Nixon's landslide victory in 1972, he ordered a general
 house cleaning on the basis of loyalty. 'Eliminate everyone,' he
 told John Ehrlichman about reappointments, 'except George
 Bush. Bush will do anything for our cause.' . . . According to
 Bush's account, the president told him that 'the place I really
 need you is over at the National Committee running things.' So,
 in 1972, Nixon appointed George Bush as head of the
 Republican National Committee.

 "It was Bush who fulfilled Nixon's promise to make the 'ethnic'
 emigres a permanent part of Republican politics. In 1972 Nixon's
 State Department spokesman confirmed to his Australian
 counterpart that the ethnic groups were very useful to get out
 the vote in several key states. Bush's tenure as head of the
 Republican National Committee exactly coincided with Laszlo
 Pasztor's 1972 drive to transform the Heritage Groups Council
 into the party's official ethnic arm. The groups Pasztor chose as
 Bush's campaign allies were the emigre Fascists whom Dulles
 had brought to the United States. . . .

 ". . . Nearly twenty years later, and after expose's in several
 respectable newspapers, Bush continued to recruit most of the
 same ethnic Fascists, including Pasztor, for his own 1988 ethnic
 outreach program when he first ran for president.

 "According to our sources in the intelligence community," state
 the authors, "it was Bush who told Nixon that the Watergate
 investigations might start uncovering the Fascist skeletons in
 the Republican party's closet. Bush himself acknowledges that
 he wrote Nixon a letter asking him to step down. The day after
 Bush did so, Nixon resigned.

 "Bush had hoped to become Gerald Ford's vice president upon
 Nixon's resignation, but he was appointed U.S. ambassador to
 the UN. Nelson Rockefeller became vice president and chief
 damage controller. He formed a special commission in an attempt
 to preempt the Senate's investigation of the intelligence
 community. The Rockefeller Commission into CIA abuses was
 filled with old OPC [Dulles's Office of Policy Coordination] hands
 like Ronald Reagan, who had been the front man back in the
 1950s for the money-laundering organization, the Crusade for
 Freedom, which was part of Dulles's Fascist 'freedom fighters'
 program." (3)

 In 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research
 organization, awarded the honor of "Top Censored story" to the
 subject of George Bush. The article revealed "how the major
 mass media ignored, overlooked or undercovered at least ten
 critical stories reported in America's alternative press that raised
 serious questions about the Republican candidate, George
 Bush, dating from his reported role as a CIA 'asset' in 1963 to his
 Presidential campaign's connection with a network of
 anti-Semites with Nazi and fascist affiliations in 1988." (4)

 for references see: http://emperors-clothes.com/indexe.htm

---------end post forwarded from Ann McCormick, Todd's mother--------

[Todd McCormick's medical marijuana case info regarding his present
incarceration for 5year Federal prison sentence for conspiracy to write a
book on how to grow medical marijuana (terminal AIDS medmj patient/user
Peter McWilliams will also be sentenced in same case in LA on Aug14) see
http://members.home.net/amccormick ]


--dcw

David Crockett Williams [EMAIL PROTECTED]
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Failed tests, classes skipped, forgotten locker combinations.
Remember the good 'ol days
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