Dubya's atomic fib
Instead of stopping an arms race, George W. Bush's Star Wars plan could help
fuel one.


- - - - - - - - - - - -
By Joshua Micah Marshall

June 9, 2000 | WASHINGTON -- Sometimes, lies just don't come in clean,
fact-checkable sound bites. Instead, they come from a willfully misleading
statement or a deceptively faulty premise that, stripped clean of its fancy
dressing, resembles nothing more than a simple fib. Which brings us to the
now hotly debated topic of whether or not the United States should deploy a
so-called national missile defense.

On May 23, George W. Bush announced that he, in line with most other
Republicans, supports the deployment of a robust national missile defense. As
everyone agrees, what the governor proposes is quite different from the type
of missile defense program the Clinton administration is considering. Clinton
proposes a limited system designed to shoot down, at most, a handful of
missiles launched from so-called "rogue states" like North Korea, Iran or
Iraq. The projected price tag for this is $60 billion. Bush, on the other
hand, calls for a far more ambitious and (it is only fair to say) almost
incalculably more expensive blanket missile shield that would protect all 50
states from an all-out nuclear attack presumably from a major nuclear power.

Bush first made the announcement a few weeks ago, and has recently elaborated
on it, with three clear intentions: first, to soothe any doubts about his
foreign policy expertise; second, to inspire traditionally Republican voters
who positively swoon at the thought of erecting a missile defense; and,
third, to reassure middle-of-the-road voters that his plan is not a move
toward confrontation but rather a step in the direction of further
disarmament and reduced nuclear confrontation.

A tall order. To do this Bush made three additional proposals, which seemed
to cast the idea of missile defense in a wholly new light. Bush said he would
1) extend his missile shield to include America's European allies; 2)
unilaterally reduce the number of U.S. nuclear warheads and invite the
Russians to do the same; and 3) "remove as many weapons as possible from
high-alert, hair-trigger status," and invite the Russians to do the same.

This all sounds very reassuring and, like all modern political pitches, has
great appeal to a variety of different constituencies with very divergent
views.

But wait a minute. What you wouldn't know from Bush's statement is that our
European allies haven't asked to be included within the U.S. missile defense
system. Actually, they are mounting a vociferous campaign to persuade us not
to deploy even the limited missile defense plan the Clinton administration
proposes. In fact, few issues unite the Europeans more than their opposition
to our missile defense plans.

Then there's the matter of coupling missile defense with further reductions
in American and Russian nuclear arsenals. What the Russians (and the Chinese,
for that matter) fear about an American missile defense program is that it
will make us invulnerable to their missiles. Thus, as they've repeatedly told
us, their logical reaction will be for them (especially the Chinese) to
increase their stockpile of weapons in order to overwhelm our defenses. (In
fact, one of the main points made by missile defense opponents is that it
will prompt the Chinese to vastly expand their own nuclear arsenal, which
currently contains roughly two dozen missiles.) No one thinks they will
reduce them further.

Similarly, the likelihood of removing missiles from their "high-alert,
hair-trigger status" seems low. Facing an American missile defense would
almost unquestionably make the Chinese and Russians want to keep their
nuclear arsenals on just such a "high-alert, hair-trigger" status. If they
won't, it's tough to imagine that the Pentagon will.

There surely is a consistent, honest argument for a national missile defense.
Proponents argue that it will free the United States from depending on arms
control agreements, which of course come only after relentlessly frustrating
negotiations. After all, if missile defense really works, it won't matter
what these other countries do since their missiles can't hit us.

So what's going on here? Doesn't Bush know the Europeans are against the
whole idea of a missile defense? Doesn't he know that a robust missile
defense will likely make it difficult to make further reductions to nuclear
stockpiles?

It's possible Bush doesn't grasp any of this. But his advisors do. And they
know full well that the Bush proposal -- well-tailored for domestic political
consumption -- is premised on a series of dubious or simply improbable
scenarios and is, therefore, a deception.


salon.com | June 9, 2000

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