: Chain reaction

: Barak has shown there is no politician or party which can command a
: stable enough
: majority in the Knesset to move forward on the West Asian peace front.

: Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak's coalition, on the verge of
: collapse after less than a year in office, was rescued last week when
: his "natural" partner, the left-wing, secular Meretz party resigned
: its ministries while remaining in the government. This curious
: manoeuvre preserved the coalition's 68-seat majority in the 120-member
: Knesset because the departure of the ministers from Meretz, which has
: 10 seats, enabled the Oriental or Sephardi Ultra-Orthodox religious
: party, Shas, with 17 seats to remain in the coalition. To paraphrase
: the old adage, "he had his cake and ate it, too", Barak kept Shas and
: disenfranchised Meretz.

: Shas ministers tendered their resignations because of a long-standing
: civilisational dispute with with the Meretz chief, former Education
: Minister Yossi Sarid, regarded by the religious camp as its
: arch-enemy. While Sarid is generally considered the best man for the
: education portfolio because of his determination to expand and upgrade
: the Israeli school system, he adopted an aggressively confrontational
: attitude toward Shas, which relies on the network of schools it
: operates to cultivate the support of deprived elements in the Sephardi
: community. Unfortunately Shas schools are substandard and badly
: administered, allowing for misappropriation of funds. Sarid demanded
: that Shas reform the system before its debt of 7.5-8 million dollars
: could be paid by his ministry.

: But once most reforms were in place, Sarid continued to refuse funds
: to Shas. Shas and its conservative religious supporters celebrated
: Sarid's resignation as a victory over the very devil while militantly
: secular Israelis saw his withdrawal as a triumph for the forces of
: darkness and superstition.

: Israeli society is fractured by fault lines into basic, bitterly
: antagonistic groupings: Western (Ashkenazi) and Eastern (Sephardi),
: secular and religious, left and right, prosperous and poor. These
: groups overlap, producing the political parties and alignments
: battling for advantage and power.

: The Ashkenazi half, made up of white immigrants from Russia, Eastern
: Europe and the US, is largely secular and more prosperous than the
: Sephardi half. The majority of Ashkenazim adopt a Euro-American life
: style and mode of thinking. But the group is split politically.

: The left-wing and centrist sectors believe in democracy, advocate
: liberty for individuals and support the peace process; right-wingers,
: who call themselves the "nationalist camp", favour strong-one man or
: one party rule, adherence to Zionist ideology and oppose the exchange
: of land for peace. As soon as he fended off the Shas-Sarid threat to
: his Cabinet, Barak faced another threat of resignation from the
: rightist Russian immigrant faction, Israel B'Aliya.

: Also, amongst the Askenazim are increasingly influential minority
: factions of religious Israelis belonging to Orthodox and
: Ultra-Orthodox groups which are determined to hold onto all the land
: Israel conquered, impose a "Jewish" style of life on all Israel's
: Jewish citizens and transform the Jewish state into a theocracy
: dominated by the rabbis.

: The Sephardi half, comprising brown immigrants from Arab countries,
: India, Turkey and Ethiopia, feels let down by democracy and deeply
: resents Ashkenazi domination of the ruling elite and state
: institutions. Before Yossi Sarid became the target of Sephardi hatred,
: Russian immigrants were the focus of their dislike.

: The dissolution of the Soviet Union produced a flood of a million
: Russian immigrants, boosting the number of Askhenazim and enabling
: them to overtake the Sephardim whose numbers had risen to slightly
: more than half the population.

: The Russians were given benefits not accorded to Sephardi immigrants
: and were quickly integrated into Israeli society while earlier
: Sephardi arrivals were still living in absorption centres.

: The Sephardim are, by and large, religiously observant, conservative
: and right-wing in political alignment. Until the leading Sephardi
: rabbi, Ovadia Josef, withdrew from the National Religious Party (NRP)
: in the mid-80s and formed Shas, most Sephardim supported the
: right-wing Ashkenazi Likud party, a small Sephardi ethnic party or the
: NRP. Shas won over the bulk of the Sephardim by promising to secure
: their rightful place in Israeli society, jobs and benefits. Shas
: provides schooling through its educational network and gives welfare
: assistance to the most needy. Rabbi Josef, a charismatic figure who is
: the spiritual mentor of Shas, has supported the secular left and
: centre in the peace process so that no more Israeli lives should be
: lost defending the lands Israel occupied in 1967. While it is not
: certain that a majority or even a large percentage of Shas voters
: would back the hand-over of the occupied Palestinian and Syrian
: territories to their owners, Shas members of the Knesset can be
: expected to obey the diktat of the party's Council of Sages ruled by
: Josef who has, in recent years, been persuaded to take a more
: "nationalist" line on the territories by hard-right Ashkenazi
: Ultra-Orthodox rabbis. When Shas ministers decided to remain in the
: Barak government, they made no commitment to support its peace
: policies.

: The combination of secular, right-wing nationalists, Sephardim and
: conservative rabbis has pushed the Israeli body politic to the right
: over the past two decades, making it all the more difficult for a left
: or centrist Israeli government to take the "hard decisions" necessary
: to achieve peace with the Arabs, whose price for a regional settlement
: is the return of the territories seized in 1967.

: Barak's centrist "One Israel" faction has three "natural" partners:
: Meretz, the newly formed Centre Party, the militantly secular Shinui
: and the tiny One Nation workers party. But these factions cannot rule
: on their own because they have only 50 seats in the Knesset and need
: at least 61. Barak could not even reach this essential minimal
: majority, as did his exemplar, the slain Yitzak Rabin, by enlisting
: the support of the Arab parties (which have 10 seats in the current
: Knesset). This is why Barak established a broad coalition, embracing
: three religious factions, from which Shinui excluded itself and Meretz
: has now withdrawn its ministers.

: Barak was also obliged to form such a coalition because he sought to
: bring in all sectors of the fractured society. But this did not work
: because of intra-coalition disputes and rivalries, like that between
: Sarid and Shas.

: Virulent factionalism and contestations among right-wing factions also
: make it impossible for the Likud, the largest party on the right, to
: govern effectively. The previous coalition under Premier Binyamin
: Netanyahu was even more crisis-ridden than the government of Barak.

: Despairing Israeli commentators say that Israeli democracy is not
: working and warn that their society has become ungovernable. They
: could be right.

: This could mean that the prospects for West Asian peace are bleak.
: For, Barak, elected as a peacemaker 13 months ago, has shown there is
: no politician or party which can command a stable enough majority in
: the Knesset to move forward on the peace front.

: Michael Jansen in Nicosia

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