To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: from The London Times
From: "Jeffrey A. Schaler" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Mon, 4 Sep 2000 14:14:10 -0400

Clinton's billions keep a drugs war alive
Simon Jenkins, London Times
1 Sept. 2000

 A classic test for 20th-century historians is to enumerate the causes
of the Second  World War. The answers come easy. Germany was ruined by
war reparations;  democracies  were blind; everyone misread Hitler. How
simple it seems, and how stupid  were our  grandfathers. How much wiser
we are today.

 Really? A good test of a 21st-century historian is to predict the next
morass. I cannot  read of Bill Clinton's visit to Colombia this week
without seeing the Dark  Ages reborn. For  two decades, America has been
buying gigantic quantities of cocaine and  heroin from  Colombia and its
neighbours, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia. Trade in these  substances is
believed to outstrip world trade in oil. Cocaine and opium derivatives
have  been declared  illegal by the UN. Yet so vast is the production,
so extensive the  consumption, so huge the  profits from illegal drugs
that changing the declaration is barely  imaginable. So hail the gods
of chaos.

 President Clinton went to Colombia to sanctify one of the most immoral
American  interventions of modern times. It is the decade-long campaign
to stop poor  South American  states selling his people something they
so profitably crave. Because  Washington cannot  restrain this craving,
it defies all rules of economics and most rules of  international
non-intervention. As if to assuage its guilt at its own addiction,
America  sends herbicides,  flamethrowers, helicopter gunships,
soldiers, spies and billions of dollars  south across the  Caribbean.
Its Drug Enforcement Administration now outranks the CIA as a  power in
the  region. It colludes with corrupt politicians, undermines
governments and  impoverishes  peoples. Two years ago the Bolivians were
paid hundreds of millions of  dollars to destroy  their entire coca
crop. The Colombian market duly boomed.

 The latest initiative is Plan Colombia, priced at a stupefying $7.5
billion, of which the  United States is contributing $1.3 billion.
Whether this plan is anti-drugs  or anti-rebels in  immaterial, since
Colombia is in the throes of a 36-year-old civil war  financed by drugs.
The  rebels now control half the country, including the coca-growing
areas in the  south. These  areas have doubled their output, to replace
land taken out of coca  cultivation as a result of US  pressure in
Bolivia and Peru. Colombia now grows or processes some 90 per  cent of
America's cocaine and much of its heroin.

 Mr Clinton's ambition is to cut coca production by half, by arming
Colombian  government troops against the 20,000-strong guerrilla army.
He is sending 60  American  helicopter gunships, some 300 troops and
military advisers and will pay for  the usual round of  aerial
monitoring and spraying of coca crops. American troops will not get
involved in "a  shooting war" unless the guerrillas shoot first, which
they are most likely  to do. "This is not  Vietnam," said Mr Clinton on
Wednesday, "neither is it Yankee imperialism."  It may not be  the
former but it is unquestionably the latter. The kindest parallel is if
Tony Blair were to  combat teenage nicotine addiction by paying Robert
Mugabe's irregulars to  fire-bomb  Zimbabwean tobacco farms.

 The spraying of coca crops has similar side-effects to Agent Orange in
Vietnam. It  poisons virgin forest, destroys peasant livelihoods,
pollutes water and  other crops and  increases the market price of coca
and thus its profitability. Drugs experts  regard the policy as  akin to
Opec cutting oil production to maintain price. It also makes coca
producers angry for  vengeance, which they take with extreme brutality.
The Colombian Government  relies on  "right-wing paramilitaries" to
retaliate. These groups, with whom America  cannot avoid  involvement,
make Slobodan Milosevic's Serb irregulars look like amateurs.  To
assist  Colombia's President Pastrana, Mr Clinton has even waived a
requirement that  the military  aid be subject to "human rights"
conditions. It is hard to quarrel with one  rebel commander  who was
quoted as saying that Mr Clinton had brought "suitcases of dollars  for
Colombians  to continue killing each other indefinitely".

 The neighbouring governments of Ecuador, Brazil, Panama and Venezuela
have all  publicly opposed Plan Colombia. Like those of South-East Asia
in the 1970s,  they know that  when Uncle Sam moves in next door,
windows get broken and people get killed.  All have  Colombia's civil
war threatening their borders, bringing with it refugees,  lawlessness,
killings  and corruption. There are reputedly two million Colombian
refugees in the  region, more even  than in former Yugoslavia. Smart
Colombian children go to school in  bulletproof vests.  Colombia is one
of the oldest and noblest of South American states. The  suffering
brought by  the criminalisation of its chief crop is appalling. When I
was in Peru last  year, a local  economist told me: "Watch this region
carefully. It is being destroyed not  by Western drug  users but by
Western hypocrisy." The livelihoods of its people depend on  their
ancestral crop,  as eagerly consumed by the West as once was gold and
silver. Yet for  supplying this crop,  these countries are destabilised
and persecuted.

 America is now financing both sides in South America's nastiest civil
war. Its drug  users are financing the rebels and its taxpayers are
financing the  government side. As any  visitor to this part of the
world knows, drugs and drug money dominate every  activity. When  Europe
stole South America's gold and silver, it at least built cities with
the proceeds. Drugs  are different. By declaring their production
illegal, the West prevents  governments from  taxing and regulating
them. Cocaine and now heroin are, to the Pacific  seaboard, what oil is
to the Middle East. But without revenue from this trade, governments
stay  poor and  lawlessness deters traders from investing their wealth
locally. Most  Colombian traffickers  live unmolested in the US. That is
the real hypocrisy.

 Colombia's President is no fool. He will not refuse three
American-trained and  equipped "anti-narcotics battalions" plus special
forces to prop up his  regime. On drugs,  however, he is explicit. He
has been told to cut coca production by half, to  bring it back to the
1997 level. His response is simple: if not Colombia, "somebody
somewhere  else is going to  produce . . . this is the most lucrative
business in the world". Nor is the  butt of his criticism  America
alone. "Europeans like to think this problem does not touch them,"  he
says. "Every  day new trafficking routes are targeting Europe." The
world's lunatic trade  policy still refuses  Colombia preferred access
to the West for its legal produce. Only cocaine  travels untaxed and
"free on board".

 President Pastrana says what everyone knows. As long as there is
demand  there will  be supply. As long as supply is illegal there will
be vast profits. This  business corrupts all it  touches. World leaders
may find it hard to get their heads round the idea of  legalising this
trade. But without a start on such a reform, gangsters will stay rich,
the  poor stay poor and the  addicts stay addicted. Half of Latin
America will be politically enslaved to  the new American  imperialism.
Mr Clinton denies such an ambition: so why is he plunging into  a
Colombian  civil war that promises to be nastier than El Salvador or
Nicaragua?

 Drugs have superseded communism as the bogey of the West. Ask any
general,  admiral, diplomat, policeman or spy what is the chief object
of his  attention and he will say  "the war on drugs". This war is a
mirage. Its enemy is in reality ourselves.  Because we cannot  defeat
our own weakness, we attack others as its proxy. We know we cannot
stamp out drugs,  so we pretend by stamping out those who produce them.
They happen to be the  poorest  people on earth. Was the Devil ever more
potent?

 The drugs question is a challenge to common sense. Mr Clinton's
backing  for Plan  Colombia shows what a mountain common sense has to
climb. President Pastrana  may not be  America's good guy for long, but
he is worth an ear now. He points out that  America could  kill every
trafficker in his country, but users will still want cocaine and
growers will find new  fields to plant. Already they are looking to
Central Africa. Conditions  there are ideal for coca  and poppy, and
profits will be lush. More to the point, that continent is  less
welcoming to  democrats, do-gooders and American special forces. Africa
is the next stop  for this mayhem.


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