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European Union lifts sanctions against Austria
A blank cheque for Jörg Haider
By Ulrich Rippert

15 September 2000

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The 14 European Union governments lifted their sanctions against Austria on
September 12.

On the fringes of a conference of European Union (EU) Finance Ministers in
Versailles last weekend, the EU partners discussed their further conduct in
relation to the right-wing conservative government in Austria. The French
President Jacques Chirac and his Foreign Minister Hubert Védrine had taken
receipt of the 45-page report by the “three wise men”, which recommended the
imminent lifting of the sanctions against Austria.

In July, the European Court of Human Right had assigned the former Finnish
president Martti Ahtisaari, ex Spanish Foreign Minister Marcelino Oreja and the
German expert in international law Jochen Frowein to examine the situation
regarding human rights in Austria following the entry into government of the
right-wing extremist Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ).

Their report warns of the “nationalist sentiments” in Austria that were
unleashed by the EU sanctions because these were “falsely understood as being
directed against the Austrian people”. The effect of the sanctions “would be
counter-productive if they were maintained, which is why they should be ended”.
According to the report, the FPÖ should continue to be called a “populist right-
wing party with radical elements,” since it had utilised xenophobic tendencies
in its election campaign and had thus produced an “anti-foreigner atmosphere”
and “a great deal of insecurity”. However, the FPÖ Ministers in Chancellor
Wolfgang Schüssel's (ÖVP) government were given a clean bill of health for
their adherence to the values of the European Union.

In Vienna, in the final judgement of the report, human rights and minority
rights were dealt with no worse than elsewhere in the European Union. The
report even comes to the conclusion that “in some areas, particularly regarding
the rights of national minorities, Austria's standards can be regarded as
superior to those in other European Union states.”

The blank cheque could hardly have been more unambiguous for Jörg Haider and
his rightwing FPÖ.

“A victory all the way down the line,” and, “some apologies are probably now
due”, were former FPÖ chairman Haider's comments from his office as state
premier in Carinthia after the final report was released. Responding to
Chirac's warning that the report was not a licence to do as he pleased and that
reservations remained regarding the FPÖ's participation in government, Haider
answered that the French “shirt pocket Napoleon” had better be more restrained
after experiencing his own “debacle” and “Waterloo”.

Haider's placeman at the head of the FPÖ and Austrian Vice-chancellor Susanne
Riess-Passer stressed in the Viennese magazine Format: “if the sanctions are
not removed or are only temporarily lifted by the Biarritz summit, a referendum
will be carried out.” Federal Chancellor Schüssel supported the ultimatum: “we
will wait until the European Union summit in Biarritz in mid October.”

In only six months, diplomatic sanctions against Austria have brought about
exactly the opposite of their authors' stated aims. Instead of putting a stop
to rightwing populism, it is stronger today than ever before. The reason for
this is the aggravation of social and political tensions in Europe. From the
outset the anger of the European governments with Haider was not directed
against his xenophobia and intolerance, since the persecution of and
discrimination against foreigners belongs to everyday political life in the
European Union. Rather they were afraid of the social tensions that Haider had
brought to the surface, nearly winning him the Austrian chancellorship.

Over the course of the last months the political climate in Europe has
intensified. For the bulk of the population, the process of European
unification, which is taking place completely under the sign of the global
corporations and financial institutions, means ever newer and harder burdens in
the form of tax rises, cuts in social security benefits and rising
unemployment. The constant fall in the value of the single European currency
the euro is accelerating this development further. Regardless of the present
advantages the low value of the euro brings for exports, it is a result of the
enormous pressure of the international financial markets to create American
conditions throughout Europe and to eliminate the last remnants of state
regulation and social security.

In such a way, broad social layers are pushed to the margins and have not the
slightest possibility of affecting political decisions. They are completely cut
off from official policy-making.

The planned expansion of the European Union to the East will continue to
strengthen the fears and rejectionist tendencies towards the EU. One needs only
to look at East Germany, where ten years after reunification unemployment is
still twice as high as in the West, in order to estimate the social and
political consequences that the integration of Eastern Europe into the EU will
bring. Southern and northern European countries already fear that expansion
into the East will devour EU funds previously used to subsidise agriculture or
for structural adjustment programmes that have been started in their countries.
In Austria, Jörg Haider directed these fears and the increasing despair of a
majority of the population into reactionary channels. His rightwing populism is
the reviled but legitimate offspring of official European policy.

Thus at the end of the sanctions, the rightwing chorus has grown stronger and
more numerous in Europe. In Italy, Haider not only enjoys the support of the
Northern League of Umberto Bossi, but the influence of Berlusconi and his Forza
Italia is increasing strongly again. In Belgium the hard right Vlaams Blok
(Flemish Bloc) has recorded some successes and Danish Prime Minister Rasmussen
expects to see strong gains by the anti-foreigner People's Party of Pia
Kjaersgars in September's referendum about entry into the euro-zone. In Norway
the rightwing Progress Party is the second-strongest force in parliament and
has taken first place in recent opinion polls.

In the British Conservative Party's new election manifesto, refusal to adopt
the euro is made the focal point of extremely rightwing policies. And also in
Germany, the influence of right-wing populist views is increasing. Before the
“three wise men” submitted their final report, the Bavarian Prime Minister
Edmund Stoiber from the Christian Social Union was welcomed in Vienna where he
received the highest Austrian order. Chancellor Schüssel stressed on this
occasion, that it was Stoiber who had first recommended that the ÖVP form a
coalition government with the FPÖ and that he had also proposed the form this
should take—a coalition with the FPÖ, but without Haider's personal
participation.

The lifting of sanctions forestalls the loss of a majority of their proponents
and heralds a new stage of aggressive quarrels about the further development of
European unification.

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The only real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking
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~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The libertarian therefore considers one of his prime educational
tasks is to spread the demystification and desanctification of the
State among its hapless subjects.  His task is to demonstrate
repeatedly and in depth that not only the emperor but even the
"democratic" State has no clothes; that all governments subsist
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the task of the court intellectuals who have always supported the State
has ever been to weave mystification in order to induce the public to
accept State rule and that these intellectuals obtain, in return, a
share in the power and pelf extracted by the rulers from their deluded
subjects.
[[For a New Liberty:  The Libertarian Manifesto, Murray N. Rothbard,
Fox & Wilkes, 1973, 1978, p. 25]]

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