-Caveat Lector-

My husband is currently in Peru. The following couple of paragraphs are his
comments, followed by a couple of pieces from "professionals", with some
interesting websites at the end of the post.  His English suffers after more
than a month of speaking mostly Spanish or Quechua.
FYI
Patty

>
>Thanks for the note on Peru.  Its amazing how half of Peru loves Fujimori
>and half hates him.  Its a funny split too.  Camposinos love him except for
>those in La Libertad and Iquitos as far as I can tell.  In Lima its more
>divided on class lines..those with good connections love him, taxi drivers
>love him, intellectuals hate him, business people and most Americans here
>think hes better than anyone else given the choices and prefer stability.
>
>Apparently today or yesterday Fujimori asked for foreign asylum for
>Montesinos in Panama and Brazil who both turned him down.
>
>More of a problem just now here is the oil price problem and the general
>truckers strike that has been going on in Lima and Chimbote among oterh
>spots for the past 4 or 5 days.  Lima is running out of gas supplies now
>from the strike. In the sticks theres no issue.  Huancayo where I am now is
>tranquil.


>http://www.foreignpolicy-infocus.org/briefs/vol5/v5n34peru.html
>
>In Focus: Peru: Democracy & Dictatorship
>
>                                        Volume 5, Number 34
>                                            October 2000
>
>Written by Coletta A. Youngers, Washington Office on Latin America
>Editors: Tom Barry (IRC) and Martha Honey (IPS)
>
>Key Points
>
>     Since taking office in 1990, President Fujimori has concentrated power
>in his own hands, greatly strengthened the role of
>     the armed forces and SIN, and thwarted political opposition through
>bribery and intimidation.
>     The recent Peruvian elections failed to meet even the most minimal
>international standards for a free and fair process, and
>     Fujimori embarked upon an unconstitutional third term, which left the
>country deeply polarized.
>     Fujimori’s decision to call for new elections and dismantle SIN is an
>important step toward putting Peru back on the path
>     to democratization; however, the situation remains very tense and the
>position of the military and intelligence services
>     uncertain.
>
>When President Alberto Fujimori assumed an unconstitutional third term in
>July 2000 following fraudulent elections, some
>Peruvian analysts predicted that growing popular unrest would thwart him
>from staying in the presidential palace for his full
>five-year term. Nobody, however, thought that Fujimori would decide to step
>aside only a few months after the contested
>elections. In mid-September, Fujimori announced that he would be holding new
>elections (in which he would not parti-cipate) and
>that he would dismantle the feared National Intelligence Service (SIN).
>Fujimori’s startling announcement provoked joyous
>celebrations, as Peruvians across the country took to the streets, honking
>horns and chanting anti-Fujimori slogans.
>
>In the background, however, an ominous power play has intensified involving
>the president, his national security adviser,
>Vladimiro Montesinos, and the armed forces. A cloud of uncertainty hangs
>over Peru, as calls for the detention of Montesinos go
>unheeded and he appears to continue to orchestrate events from behind the
>scenes at SIN headquarters. Some Peruvian analysts
>are referring to a “white coup,” in which hard-line sectors have gained the
>upper hand.
>
>Peru is now clearly on a different path—popular sentiment has turned sharply
>against the Fujimori government, making it ever
>more difficult for the president to continue in office. Popular protests
>continue. Yet the path toward democratization is mined with
>obstacles, unless firm action is taken quickly against Montesinos and other
>top military leaders.
>
>What sparked Fujimori’s announcement was the release of a video that shows
>Montesinos bribing an opposition member of
>Congress, Alberto Kouri, to switch loyalties and join ranks with the
>Fujimori coalition in return for a $15,000 monthly stipend and
>payments to cover campaign costs. In addition to Kouri, at least 17 others
>recently voted into Congress were bribed or
>threatened into switching allegiances, thereby allowing the Fujimori
>government to obtain a majority—in direct defiance of voters’
>wishes and largely delegitimating the present Congress.
>
>The source of the leaked video remains a cause for speculation. However,
>what lies at the heart of Fujimori’s apparent demise is
>an even more sinister action. Information has slowly emerged indicating that
>high-level military and intelligence officials, including
>Montesinos himself, have likely been involved in trafficking guns to the
>Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC),
>possibly in exchange for drugs. According to press reports, thousands of
>Russian manufactured automatic weapons were legally
>purchased from Jordan by the Peruvian military and then secretly delivered
>to the FARC.
>
>These recent events illustrate the extent to which governance in Peru has
>deteriorated into an authoritarian regime where bribery,
>intimidation, and repression are utilized to maintain political control.
>Under Fujimori’s ten-year rule, the roles of the Peruvian
>armed forces and SIN, which currently functions as Peru’s political police,
>have expanded exponentially. Both the judiciary and
>Congress are subservient to the executive branch, eliminating any effective
>checks and balances.
>
>The 2000 electoral process was tainted from the start. Having already served
>two terms in office, Fujimori should have been
>prohibited from running for a third term by the 1993 constitution, which
>allows for one consecutive reelection. Yet the
>manipulation of the press, excessive use of state resources for Fujimori’s
>campaign, control of official electoral agencies, and
>SIN’s intimidation and harassment of opposition candidates ensured a playing
>field steeply tilted in Fujimori’s favor. In the May
>28 runoff vote, Fujimori was uncontested. Both the opposition candidate,
>Alejandro Toledo, and international monitors pulled out
>due to the lack of guarantees for a free and fair process. The head of the
>Organization of American States (OAS) observer
>mission left days before the final vote, after the Peruvian government
>refused to agree to a postponement of the elections in order,
>at minimum, to ensure that the OAS team could verify the final vote count.
>
>Having gone to such extremes to ensure reelection, Fujimori may not give up
>power as easily as implied in his call for new
>elections. Fujimori has already indicated that he plans to stay in office
>until next July and will oversee the upcoming electoral
>process. And he has hinted that he may just run again in 2006.
>
>
>
>Problems with Current U.S. Policy
>
>Key Problems
>
>     Competing U.S. policy priorities in Peru have led to inconsistencies
>and incoherence, as is evident in the U.S. response to
>     this year’s fraudulent elections.
>     Through its counternarcotics program, Washington is supporting the
>Peruvian intelligence establishment, the very force
>     responsible for Fujimori’s illegitimate third term and a central player
>in the present power struggle.
>     To date, the Clinton administration has undertaken no significant
>bilateral action toward Peru, such as suspending aid or
>     trade benefits. It has yet to call publicly for Montesinos to be
>investigated and prosecuted.
>
>Although the call for new elections appears to have caused unease in
>Washington, the Clinton administration has publicly
>supported both Fujimori’s announcement an ongoing dialogue with the OAS.
>There are reports that as a result of the arms
>scandal and the videotape disclosure, U.S. officials put significant
>pressure on Fujimori to dismiss Montesinos. Some speculate
>that the arms scandal could also be deeply damaging for the Clinton
>administration, and Washington may in fact have pressed for
>Montesinos’ departure to divert attention from the growing scandal. If
>Peruvian journalists were able to uncover the arms deals,
>U.S. intelligence agencies surely had some indication of what was going on,
>yet they continued to provide support to SIN and the
>Peruvian armed forces. A key question that remains unanswered is: what did
>the CIA and other U.S. officials know, and when
>did they know it?
>
>Washington’s interactions with Peru over the last decade provide a vivid
>example of the contradictions and confusion that often
>surround U.S. policy. The myriad U.S. interests in Peru often work at
>cross-purposes, creating inconsistencies in U.S. policy
>toward that country. The Clinton administration’s response to recent
>developments is no exception.
>
>Washington led the international condemnation following the 1992 autogolpe,
>or presidential coup. Although attention to Peru
>largely waned following the 1995 elections, U.S. officials have spoken out
>at some key moments when democratic setbacks took
>place, and they have played a positive role in supporting civil society
>organizations, particularly within the human rights community.
>The U.S. government also played a critical role in negotiating an end to the
>Peru-Ecuador border conflict.
>
>Yet these actions are directly undermined by the desire to maintain
>continuity in both the antidrug and economic arenas. Most
>disturbingly, the U.S. government has provided direct support to SIN—the
>very agency responsible for setbacks to democracy
>and for grave human rights abuses—for counternarcotics purposes. Ironically,
>Fujimori’s shadowy adviser and de facto head of
>SIN, Vladimiro Montesinos, has long been rumored to have maintained ties to
>the drug trade after serving as a lawyer for various
>notorious drug traffickers in the 1980s.
>
>Montesinos has also long been rumored to be on the CIA payroll. U.S.
>officials have maintained a stony silence in response to
>accusations that Montesinos takes protection money from drug traffickers,
>refusing even to call for investigations. Hence, it should
>come as no surprise that though U.S. officials have consistently spoken out
>against electoral irregularities in Peru, they have not
>once referred to the roles of SIN and Montesinos in undermining Peru’s
>electoral process. Only when confronted with
>overwhelming evidence of corruption have they apparently taken stronger
>action.
>
>To its credit, the Clinton administration put significant pressure on the
>Fujimori government to allow for a second round of voting
>when it appeared that the Peruvian government was posed to proclaim a
>first-round victory last April. Following the May 28
>runoff vote, the United States urged strong OAS action, although critics
>point out that U.S. officials lacked a clear strategy and
>frequently antagonized other governments. At the June OAS General Assembly
>meeting, a resolution was adopted expressing
>grave concern regarding the elections and mandating an OAS mission to Peru
>to push for democratic reforms. The OAS mission
>put forward a comprehensive list of recommendations and has set up a
>permanent office in Lima to monitor the reform process. It
>is facilitating a “dialogue” between the Fujimori government, the political
>opposition, and civil society representatives to enhance
>democratic reform.
>
>Nonetheless, the unwillingness of OAS member states to call for new
>elections in Peru sent a dangerous signal to Fujimori that the
>OAS is not serious about its commitment to ensure clean elections. Likewise,
>the unwillingness of the U.S. and other governments
>to follow up the OAS meeting with strong bilateral action demonstrates that
>the OAS process has no teeth to it.
>
>Although Clinton administration officials continue to speak out in support
>of the OAS process and of democratic reform, they
>have not suspended any aid or trade program to Peru. Even small
>military-to-military training programs have gone untouched.
>Officials claim that their unhappiness with the present situation in Peru is
>evident in what they are NOT doing—such as not
>sending a diplomatic mission from Washington to attend the inauguration.
>
>The U.S. Congress, however, is taking a tougher stance toward Peru. An
>unusual alliance of liberal Democrats and conservative
>Republicans has ensured easy adoption of resolutions and amendments
>condemning Peru’s authoritarian government. Several
>Senate offices are reportedly investigating Montesinos and the arms scandal.
>Yet when Congress eliminated $42 million slated for
>Peru in the recent emergency aid package for Colombia, the U.S. Ambassador
>to Peru quickly announced that he was seeking to
>restore the aid. The administration is now allocating $32 million in a
>line-item for helicopter support to the Peruvian police and is
>taking additional money from a regional account. As one official notes,
>“Congress did not prohibit aid to Peru.” But the
>administration is certainly violating the congressional intent aimed at
>ensuring that Peru will at least not get additional resources
>over and above its normal allocation.
>
>
>
>Toward a New Foreign Policy
>
>Key Recommendations
>
>     Washington’s top priority in Peru should be to ensure that new
>presidential and congressional elections are held as quickly
>     as possible and that SIN is effectively dismantled.
>     The Clinton administration should immediately cease all assistance and
>training for Peruvian security and intelligence
>     agencies, should publicly call for Montesinos to be held accountable
>for corruption and human rights violations.
>     If the transition process does not move forward, the U.S. government
>should cut off all nonhumanitarian aid to Peru,
>     suspend some trade benefits, and vote “no” on loans by international
>financial institutions.
>
>Peru’s President Fujimori represents a dangerous model of authoritarian
>populism that may become increasingly prevalent across
>Latin America. Fed up with existing parties and politicians, rampant
>corruption, and inefficiency in government, Latin Americans
>are increasingly turning to populist independents who promise strong
>leadership in order to bring order to society and discipline to
>government. The subdued regional and U.S. response to Peru’s fraudulent
>elections sends a dangerous message to the
>hemisphere’s growing number of strongman wannabes. As a result of recent
>developments, however, the international community
>has been provided with a new opportunity to take strong action to ensure
>that Peru returns to a democratic path.
>
>Such international pressure has had an impact in the past. Though rarely
>achieving a total turnaround in Peruvian government
>policy, outside pressure has forced important changes. It led both to the
>reestablishment of the Peruvian Congress in 1993,
>following the autogolpe, and to the drafting of a new constitution, although
>both of these changes were ultimately crafted to
>Fujimori’s advantage. Domestic and international pressure has obligated Peru
>to retry before a civilian court American Lori
>Berenson and to create an ad hoc commission to review the cases of Peruvians
>in jail on terrorism charges. Ultimately, the
>success of Fujimori’s neoliberal economic policies is dependent on staying
>within the good graces of the international community.
>Thus far he has managed to walk that fine line, but such poise may be
>increasingly difficult if the political situation deteriorates.
>International investors expressed relief at the announcement of new
>elections; failure to move forward effectively could further
>erode investor confidence and threaten Fujimori’s economic program.
>
>Moreover, Peru’s civil society groups are mobilized to see the reform
>process through and are seeking stronger international
>pressure. Although the political opposition is internally weak, it remains
>united against Fujimori and is growing in strength. It now
>appears to have popular sentiment on its side and is working toward
>constructing a proposed government of national unity.
>
>First and foremost, the U.S. government should focus its efforts on ensuring
>that President Fujimori follows through with his
>promises to dismantle SIN and to move immediately toward new presidential
>and congressional elections under close international
>supervision. U.S. relations with Peru regarding aid, trade, and other
>programs should be evaluated through that lens. U.S.
>assistance to Peru’s security forces, including the notorious SIN, should be
>discontinued immediately. Military-to-military training
>programs should cease; no Peruvian soldiers should be brought to the School
>of the Americas or any other U.S.-based training
>facilities. Joint military-to-military operations should be canceled.
>
>The Clinton administration should publicly call for the detention of
>Montesinos, for independent investigations into allegations of
>corruption and human rights violations lodged against him, and for
>subsequent prosecutions. His U.S. visa should be revoked, and
>Washington should publicly repudiate the role of SIN in Peru today. There
>should be full disclosure of information gathered by
>U.S. officials regarding both the allegations against Montesinos and the
>recent arms scandal. Then the U.S. Congress should hold
>hearings on the scandal.
>
>All reforms—such as the dismantling of SIN—should be carried out within the
>context of the OAS-sponsored dialogue.
>Moreover, the OAS should have responsibility for preparing and monitoring
>presidential and congressional elections. If prompt
>movement in this direction does not occur, the U.S. government should cut
>off all nonhumanitarian aid to Peru, suspend some
>trade benefits, and vote “no” on loans by the international financial
>institutions.
>
>Likewise, if substantial progress is not made, the OAS should suspend Peru
>from its ranks until Peru returns to a democratic path.
>A clear message must be sent both to President Fujimori and across the
>hemisphere that in the 21st century, fraudulent elections
>and authoritarian rule are simply not acceptable.
>
>Coletta A. Youngers <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>, a senior associate at the
>Washington Office on Latin America, is
>presently taking a one-year leave to write a book on the history of the
>human rights movement in Peru.
>
>Sources for More Information
>
>Organizations
>
>Amnesty International
>600 Pennsylvania Ave. SE, Fifth floor
>Washington, DC 20003
>Voice: (202) 544-0200
>Fax: (202) 546-7142
>Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Website: http://www.amnestyusa.org/
>Contact: Carlos Salinas
>
>Coordinadora Nacional de Derechos Humanos
>Peru
>Voice: (511) 441-1533
>Fax: (511) 422-4827
>Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Website: http://www.cnddhh.org.pe/
>Contact: Sofia Macher Batanero
>
>Human Rights Watch/Americas Division
>1630 Connecticut Ave. NW, Suite 500
>Washington, DC 20009
>Voice: (202) 612-4321
>Fax: (202) 612-4333
>Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Website: http://www.hrw.org/
>Contact: Jose Miguel Vivanco
>
>Instituto de Defensa Legal
>Peru
>Voice: (511) 441-0192
>Fax: (511) 442-4037
>Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Website: http://www.idl.org.pe/
>Contact: Ernesto de la Jara or Carlos Basombrio
>
>Peru Peace Network
>Box 1433
>Jefferson City, MO 65102
>Voice: (573) 635-8789
>Fax: (573) 635-3659
>Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Website: http://www.perupeace.net/
>Contact: Mark Saucier and Alice Wolters
>
>Washington Office on Latin America
>1630 Connecticut Ave. NW, Suite 200
>Washington, DC 20009
>Voice: (202) 797-2171
>Fax: (202) 797-2172
>Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Website: http://www.wola.org/
>Contact: Gina Amatangelo
>
>Publications
>
>Sally Bowen, The Fujimori File: Peru and Its President 1990-2000 (Lima,
>Peru: The Peru Monitor, 2000).
>
>Maxwell A. Cameron and Philip Mauceri, eds., The Peruvian Labyrinth:
>Politics, Society and Economy (University Park,
>PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997).
>
>Coletta A. Youngers, Deconstructing Democracy: Peru Under President Alberto
>Fujimori (Washington: The Washington
>Office on Latin America, February 2000).
>
>Websites
>
>Asociacion Pro Derechos Humanos, APRODEH
>http://www.aprodeh.org.pe/
>
>Defensoria del Pueblo (Human Rights Ombudsman’s Office)
>http://www.ombudsman.gob.pe/
>
>Peruvian News Organization
>http://www.imediaperu.com/
>
>International News on Peru
>http://www.lima-news.com/
>
>Peru Election 2000 Public Education Website
>http://qsilver.queensu.ca/peru/
>
>Peru Home Page (provides links to major media)
>http://ekeko.rcp.net.pe/
>
>Transparencia (civil society election monitoring organization)
>http://www.transparencia.org.pe/

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