-Caveat Lector-

From
http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/NewsST100600.htm

}}>Begin
Thursday, October 5, 2000
WILL ALBRIGHT STOP SAVING MILOSEVIC?
by Srdja Trifkovic

With demonstrators commanding the streets of Belgrade, Slobodan Milosevic is
fighting for his political life and the issue of his physical survival may not
be too far in the background.  It is high time, the last minute in fact, for
the U.S. policy in the Balkans to adjust to the new reality.  For a long time
Mrs. Albright and her team at the State Department refused to recognize that
Dr. Vojislav Kostunica is a real force in Serbian politics.  They tried to
hedge their bets: if Milosevic falls, they’ll place his successors into a
straightjacket on Kosovo and cooperation with the Hague “tribunal,” while
claiming credit for “encouraging democracy” in Serbia.  If he survives the
turmoil and steals the election, it will justify sanctions and even future
bombings.  As Tom Fleming put it a few weeks ago, “Albright is licking her
bloody chops in expectation of another gory meal.”  Things are not going
Albright’s way in Belgrade now, however, and unless Washington -- even at this
late stage -- changes its tune the U.S. will be rendered irrelevant in the post-
Milosevic Balkan architecture, while Russia and the Europeans will be the
winners.

For some weeks now the Albright game, conducted with characteristically little
skill and finesse, amounted to overt verbal condemnation of Milosevic and
expressions of support for the opposition, while at the same time everything
was done to help Milosevic survive.  Let’s look at the facts as reported by
others. “Kostunica not Clinton administration's man,” reported UPI’s Martin
Sieff on September 25, a day after the Yugoslav election:

Kostunica's rise has proven to be far from welcome to the Clinton
administration, especially to Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright.
Albright has spearheaded the efforts to make an example of Milosevic by having
him handed over to the International Court of Justice in The Hague, capital of
the Netherlands, and tried there as a war criminal.  But Kostunica implacably
opposes having Milosevic or any other prominent Serb tried as a war criminal,
no matter how terrible was their conduct during the last nine years of conflict
in the fragmented former communist federal state. He also regularly denounces
the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia last year as criminal.

And he flatly opposes granting independence to Kosovo, Sieff continued, which
will present Washington with a far trickier problem than Milosevic does:
U.S. leaders -- Republican and Democrat alike – are now used to attacking
Milosevic as, if not a Hitler, then at least a Saddam Hussein figure.  They
have made clear they hope that a pro-American opposition candidate will
eventually succeed him and agreed to U.S.-mediated solutions to Bosnia and
Kosovo.  But Kostunica is not pro-American.  He is as virulent a critic of
recent U.S. policies as Milosevic himself.  And he has said he is determined to
not to give an inch on the Kosovo issue . . . From the Clinton administration's
point of view, the trouble with Kostunica is precisely that he does appear to
accurately express the democratic aspirations of the Serbian people.  The only
trouble is that they are not the aspirations that the Clinton administration
would like them to be.

The Administration accordingly went out of its way to scuttle any possible deal
between Milosevic and his opponents that would entail a peaceful transition.
When Russian President Vladimir Putin offered to mediate by inviting both
Milosevic and Kostunica to Moscow last Monday, Mrs. Albright was quick in
torpedoing the initiative.  The State Department announced that the U.S. would
expect Russia to turn over Milosevic to the Hague tribunal the moment he should
show up in Moscow.  “There's an indictment that calls for any country to hand
him over to The Hague,” State Department spokesman Philip Reeker said on
Tuesday, October 3.  “We expect the indictment to be followed.”  Asked how
Putin's offer to mediate could take shape if the moment Milosevic showed up he
would face extradition to the Hague, Reeker said: “That's a question for Putin
and Milosevic to discuss.”  Reeker’s final remark left no doubt of the position
in Washington: “We believe (Milosevic) should be out of power, out of Serbia
and in The Hague to face justice.  Period.”

Dr. Kostunica accused the United States of placing the destiny of one man ahead
of the fate of an entire nation, but admitted that the Hague indictment “brings
us a lot of headache”: “It helped convince Milosevic that for him these
elections are a question of life or death … The whole of Serbia is being held
hostage to one man.”  The Russians were more blunt. “Washington has thereby
done Mr. Milosevic one more service: He now has a pretext for not traveling to
Moscow,” commented even the usually pro-Western Kommersant on October 4, and
took exception to the haughty tone as well as the political substance of the
warning from Washington:

“Moscow is not about to secretly harbor President Milosevic but, on the
contrary it wants to persuade him to abandon the confrontation and not oppose
the handover of power to the democratic opposition, if its victory in the first
round of the election is proved.  This is advantageous both for Russia and for
the West.  Therefore President Putin's initiative made its appearance after
consultations with the Western leaders.”

Many Western politicians are now coming out in favor of giving a guarantee of
personal safety to Milosevic, Kommersant continued, including France and
Germany in particular.  This initiative was also supported by Jiri Dinstbir,
the UN Human Rights Commission's special rapporteur.  “To overcome the present
crisis and save people, the decision of the International tribunal on former
Yugoslavia about bringing charges of war crimes against Milosevic ought
evidently to be reviewed,” he declared.

Another line of attack against Kostunica took the form of a stream of official
“leaks” from Washington about the money given by the U.S. government to the
opposition in Serbia.  The opening shot came on September 19, five days before
the election, with a detailed front-page story in The Washington Post that
played right into Milosevic’s hands by ostensibly confirming his constant
theme: that the opposition was in the pay of Western powers.  The Post story
was swiftly translated into Serbian and carried as front-page news by
Milosevic’s state controlled media.  The same happened ten days later, on
September 29, as the post-election struggle in Belgrade intensified.  American
diplomats in Budapest provided the Associated Press with more pro-Milosevic
ammunition. “U.S. Funding Yugoslavian Reformers,” reported George Jahn from the
Hungarian capital.

“The United States funneled $35 million to opponents of Yugoslav President
Slobodan Milosevic (news - web sites) in little more than a year as part of
efforts to weaken him that culminated in his apparent electoral defeat. The
money was part of a long-term Western effort to strengthen anti-Milosevic
forces over the past decade… U.S. diplomats in the region say much of the
American money was spent on computers for human rights groups, transmitters for
independent B2-92 radio and other non-governmental radio stations and other
basics for student organizations and labor unions, such as fax machines and
telephones. The funds even paid for a rock band that played at events to
mobilize voters ahead of the Sept. 24 elections… More money appears to be on
the way. The House of Representatives passed a bill Monday authorizing $60
million for further pro-democracy activities in Serbia.”

As a matter of fact that bill, far from helping democracy in Serbia, was yet
another attempt to impose Clinton’s and Albright’s pax Americana on the Serbs
even if Milosevic were to fall. As we have already commented in connection with
HR 1064 on this site, those who still doubt that there are powerful forces in
Washington that are scared stiff of Milosevic’s defeat are well advised to read
some comments made by Sen. Joseph Biden (D-DE) on the Senate floor on Tuesday,
September 26, regarding HR 1064. This bill is ostensibly aimed at supporting
democracy in Serbia, but in terms of its assumptions and practical consequences
it could be called “Saving Slobo’s Skin.” Biden opened by saying that “Slobodan
Milosevic is the problem, not the Serbian people,” but then he explained that
under HR 1064 the array of sanctions punishing Serbia -- not Milosevic and his
cronies - will be re-codified and kept in place until Vojislav Kostunica (or
any other successor to Milosevic) complies with every demand from Washington,
including the delivery of all indicted war criminals to The Hague tribunal. Dr.
Kostunica has repeatedly stated that this he will not do. Even if this
“tribunal” wasn’t a purely political construct devoid of legal basis – which it
is - Kostunica would be right to loath sending any of his countrymen to The
Hague, just as any real American should shudder at the thought of sending any
U.S. citizen, however culpable, to be tried by a United Nations court.

Throwing the challenge of HR 1064 at Kostunica – and doing so at the very
moment when he is locked in a life-and-death struggle with Milosevic – is
either utterly insane, or deeply devious. Bad, or mad, or both, Biden is very
much in charge of Senate foreign relations, and the context of his remarks
makes it evident that this bill enjoys full Administration support. It is not
promoting democracy in Serbia but preventing it. To Milosevic’s infinite
delight Biden has condemned Kostunica in advance as an “ultra-nationalist” if
he does not agree to become exactly the kind of NATO-friendly quisling the
Belgrade regime accuses him of being. The spirit and true intent of the bill is
fully betrayed by the following comments at the end of Biden’s address:

“To be blunt: respect for Dayton and cooperation with The Hague Tribunal must
be litmus tests for any democratic government in Serbia.  I fervently hope that
Mr. Kostunica emerges victorious in the Yugoslav elections. If he does, the
United States should immediately extend to him a sincere hand of friendship,
with the assistance outlined in the pending legislation. … If, on the other
hand, Mr. Kostunica comes to power and thinks that his undeniable and
praiseworthy democratic credentials will enable him to pursue an aggressive
Serbian nationalist policy with a kinder face, then we must disabuse him of
this notion.”

In summary, to lay prostrate merits a friendly hand.  The refusal to submit is
aggressive nationalism.  Plus ça change: in June 1992 I attended a meeting in
Washington with then-assistant to the National Security Advisor for European
affairs, Jenone Walker.  Referring to the sanctions against Serbia - in the
context of Milosevic’s offer to resign if they were lifted - she stated that
(“quite apart from Milosevic”) they would stay in force until “all current and
potential sources of conflict in the former Yugoslavia were removed, agreements
signed and sealed, and respected by the Serbs to the satisfaction of the U.S.
government.”  Eight years later HR 1064 proves that, on some issues at least,
there IS remarkable continuity and consistency in Washington.

But back to Biden.  His concluding remarks had a threatening air: “Should our
West European allies choose to embrace a post-Milosevic, democratically
elected, but ultra-nationalistic Serbia, then I would say to them good luck;
we’ll concentrate our policy in the former Yugoslavia on preparing democratic
and prosperous Slovenia for the next round of NATO enlargement, on continuing
to help reconstruct Bosnia and Kosovo, and on supporting the democratic
governments in Macedonia, Croatia, and Montenegro.”

This is the kind of challenge America’s European partners may well accept this
time.  Some are keen to lift all sanctions against Serbia regardless of who
prevails in Belgrade.  They’ve had enough of this kind of neoimperial arrogance
– French planes are landing in Baghdad these days -- and they could easily turn
the policy towards Belgrade after Milosevic into a litmus test of their ability
to say “no” to Washington.  The writing has been on the wall ever since the EU
foreign ministers had announced that all sanctions against Serbia would be
unconditionally lifted if Milosevic were to fall, and the country itself
welcomed “with open arms” into Europe, and helped financially.

This prospect is anathema to Joseph Biden and his like-minded friends and
colleagues in Washington.  They don’t want a democratic Serbia reintegrated
into the community of European nations, but a Gauleiter-ruled colony in which
any attempt to assert one’s dignity, let alone pride in one’s identity, would
be equated with “aggressive ultra-nationalism.” That much has become clear in
their attempt to sabotage Milosevic’s opponents while he is struggling for
survival.  As a UPI report noted last Monday, from Washington’s point of view a
Kostunica victory would “derail U.S. hopes of negotiating a broad settlement to
Yugoslav issues on Washington’s terms.”  Those terms entail acceptance of the
loss of sovereignty (The Hague) and loss of territory (Kosovo), plus whatever
else is ordered from Washington. Last Monday night Kostunica replied when he
said that Yugoslavia must not become “anybody’s protectorate.”  In the eyes of
Biden & Co. this merely confirms that he is an “ultra-nationalist,” which
proves that we need HR 1064 enacted before Milosevic falls.

As Serbia’s true democrats struggle against that misshapen despot whose
strongest trump card is to accuse them of being pro-NATO traitors, a concerted
attempt is under way in Washington to impose humiliating conditions on them
that no democratically elected leaders of any nation could ever accept.  The
participants in that endeavor know not what is shame.  The rest of us do,
living – as we do – in the eighth year of the Clinton-Gore presidency.

Copyright 2000 The Rockford Institute -- Center for International Affairs

End<{{

~~~~~~~~~~~~

>>>Another war hero.  I almost want to have law that mandates anyone advocating
war should have some military experience (i.e., anyone elected to Congress,
House or Senate.  With Mad Maddy, she should lead the fight for ALL Americans
ages 18-27 to have a Selective Service System card.  She should draft herself
anyway.  Get some first hand battle field experience.  A<>E<>R <<<

>From http://bioguide.congress.gov/scripts/biodisplay.pl?index=B000444

}}>Begin
Biden, Joseph Robinette, Jr., 1942--

Years of Service: 1973-
Party: Democrat

BIDEN, Joseph Robinette, Jr., a Senator from Delaware; born in Scranton,
Lackawanna County, Pa., November 20, 1942; educated at St. Helena’s School,
Wilmington, Del., and Archmere Academy, Claymont, Del.; graduated, University
of Delaware, Newark, 1965, and Syracuse (N.Y.) University College of Law 1968;
admitted to the Delaware bar in 1969 and commenced practice in Wilmington;
served on the New Castle County Council 1970-1972; elected as a Democrat to the
United States Senate in 1972 for the term commencing January 3, 1973; reelected
in 1978, 1984, 1990 and again in 1996 for the term ending January 3, 2003;
chairman, Committee on the Judiciary (One Hundredth through One Hundred Third
Congresses).

End<{{
A<>E<>R

Integrity has no need of rules. -Albert Camus (1913-1960)
+ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +
The only real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking
new landscapes but in having new eyes. -Marcel Proust
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The libertarian therefore considers one of his prime educational
tasks is to spread the demystification and desanctification of the
State among its hapless subjects.  His task is to demonstrate
repeatedly and in depth that not only the emperor but even the
"democratic" State has no clothes; that all governments subsist
by exploitive rule over the public; and that such rule is the reverse
of objective necessity.  He strives to show that the existence of
taxation and the State necessarily sets up a class division between
the exploiting rulers and the exploited ruled.  He seeks to show that
the task of the court intellectuals who have always supported the State
has ever been to weave mystification in order to induce the public to
accept State rule and that these intellectuals obtain, in return, a
share in the power and pelf extracted by the rulers from their deluded
subjects.
[[For a New Liberty:  The Libertarian Manifesto, Murray N. Rothbard,
Fox & Wilkes, 1973, 1978, p. 25]]

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