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SEPT 2000
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COVER STORY
Aids: Judgement day on the 13th
Pusch Commey, reports from Durban, on the good, the bad and the shananagians
at the recent 13th International Aids Conference held in that city.
Something is killing Africa and the world. What it is, nobody is sure. But
for now the medical establishment believes it is HIV.

Based on this premise, 12,400 delegates and over 1,500 journalists
congregated at the Durban International Convention Centre for the 13th
International Aids conference (9-14 July) to debate and compare notes on the
most insidious scourge in modern times. These were bad times to be a youth.
But all was not solidarity.

The run up to the conference itself was characterised by an unrelenting
media assault on the person of President Thabo Mbeki. He was variously
described as irresponsible, grossly negligent and genocidal. Most thought he
had lost his marbles. Columnists suggested that it is perhaps his final
solution to the high incidence of poverty and unemployment.

His mortal sin was to have exercised his right to the freedom of expression
and enquiry that all Western constitutions hold so dear. He had dared
question the unquestionable: the inconclusive theory that Aids is solely
caused by a virus called HIV.

He had dared to threaten the very foundation upon which is built a huge Aids
edifice that feeds on the virus. Pharmaceutical companies, Aids researchers,
the medical establishment, microbiologists, NGOs, entrepreneurs, you name
it. And which replicates as fast as the virus itself as sufficient panic is
created to force governments and institutions to fork out more and more
cash.

The potential catastrophe has been variously described as akin to a nuclear
war that will decimate economies and societies, and leave ghost countries or
maybe continents in its wake; Africa being the usual suspect.

Durban, the current "epicentre" of the invincible virus, was chosen as the
venue of the counter-attack primarily for this reason. So far the body
count, according to UNAIDS, is 33 million infected worldwide by the end of
1999, 18 million already dead. Africa's share was 24 million infections.

South Africa reportedly has the highest number of people living with the
virus - 4.2 million. And its neighbour, Botswana, is said to be the worst
afflicted, with about 36% of its adult population between the ages of 15 and
49 affected. Delegates echoed a modern day black plague revisited on blacks.
They largely blamed African sexuality and gross negligence. It was time to
fight back and one huge banner on the highway lamented: "The future is not
what it used to be".


Alternative views not welcome

Break the silence was the chosen theme, partly meant to highlight the
"criminal negligence" of governments said to have buried their heads in the
sand while the epidemic raged. More importantly it was meant to bring the
issue of Aids out into the open.

Ironically, this invitation to transparency did not extend to anybody with a
view contrary to the official one - that "HIV is the sole cause of Aids".
Chairman Mao would have been proud of this huge conspiracy to silence
dissenting voices.

Legal threats to President Mbeki and a threatened boycott of the conference
by anti-Mbeki elements failed to materialise.

Delegates came from over 200 countries and paid $800 each for the privilege
to attend. For the duration of the conference, the official website
(www.aids2000.co.za) recorded 1.4m hits, with promises of a bigger turnout
at the next conference in Barcelona, Spain, in 2002.

Before the commencement, an agenda had already been set with the "Durban
Declaration"; a scroll-like document in the form of the Ten Commandments
tablet signed by 5,000 medical practitioners declaring HIV to be the sole
cause of Aids.

In another manoeuvre, the German drug company, Boehringer Ingelheim,
manufacturers of Viramune (also known as Nevirapine) and a major sponsor of
the conference, announced without informing the Mbeki government, that it
would offer its drug free for five years to prevent South African babies
born to HIV-positive mothers being infected.

Preceding that, the South African government had come under intense fire
from the press for failing to provide pregnant HIV-positive mothers with
drugs that would reduce transmission risks, saying they were too expensive
and toxic.

Boehringer's move, the detail of which was uncertain, was cautiously
welcomed by UNAIDS. At best, it was a tactical manoeuvre as well as a Greek
gift meant to undermine the Mbeki government's position on anti-retroviral
drugs.

The big Western drug companies had made major contributions to the
sponsorship of the conference and expected returns on their investments. But
what drew a lot of interest was the sex workers stand which reported an
unprecedented boom in business. As one bystander commented: "The demand for
sex has never been known to go down, HIV or no HIV."

Mbeki's speech at the opening ceremony met with a roar of anger. Some
delegates walked out. But the president, expected to make penance in front
of the drug lords, was unyielding. He stuck to the cornerstone of his
presidency which seeks to find African solutions for African problems, only
too well aware that self-interest is the only guiding principle in the
West's dealings with Africa.

He welcomed the delegates and reminded them: "Perhaps in thinking that your
conference will help us to overcome our problems as Africans, we
overestimate what the 13th International Aids Conference can do.
Nevertheless that over-estimation must also convey a message to you. That
message is that we are a country and a continent driven by hope, and not
despair and resignation to a cruel fate."

He stressed that the world could not blame everything on a single virus and
that Aids thrives - a partner with poverty, suffering, social disadvantage
and inequity. And that the greatest cause of ill health and suffering
worldwide, including South Africa, was extreme poverty.

In conclusion, he posed the rhetorical question: "Is there more that all of
us should do together, assuming that in a world driven by a value system
based on financial profit and individual material reward, the notion of
human solidarity remains a valid precept governing human behaviour?" He
wished that they had all come to Africa because they care.

AZT! AZT!!

The response from subsequent speakers, wildly cheered, was a highlight of a
lack of political will. Then a hapless Nkosi Jonson, a 11-year-old boy
living with HIV, was put on stage to sorrowful talk about his plight and
plead for the government to give pregnant mothers AZT.

The next morning's headlines were unanimous: "Mbeki fails to break the
silence". Then there was the usual media spin to put his speech out of
context by reporting that Mbeki says the cause of Aids is poverty, while the
import of his speech for those who cared to apply their minds was simply
that conditions of poverty in developing countries, for which the West is a
major contributor, has spawned several killer diseases, including Aids,
tuberculosis and malaria.

And that to make any impact, the world must attack the conditions that
create poverty. Better hygiene, better education, better nutrition, etc,
will go a much longer way to arrest Aids rather than merely focusing on
drugs. Prevention, which was one of the great themes of the conference,
would be virtually impossible if the social condition within which Aids
thrives is not addressed.

Drug wars

The conference itself was a superbly organised affair worthy of any
standard. On any particular day over 50 papers were presented at seminars
with topics like pediatric retroviral therapy, innovative approaches to
reach sex workers, and male circumcision.

Fifteen separate satellite link-ups made it a huge affair. And several
cultural events took place at the same time to bring awareness to the Aids
issue.

However, any scene of intense activity happened to be where new or old drugs
were on offer, ranging from AZT and Nevirapine to Zinovidune.

Combination therapy or cocktails, the most popular being the triple
combination therapy known as Haart, was also touted as a remedy to reduce
viral load to undetectable levels.

The subject of vaccines attracted great interest too, and worthy of note was
the work of the International Aids Vaccine Initiative (IAVI), a New
York-based NGO, which seeks private and governmental funding to develop free
Aids vaccines. Bill Gate's Foundation has donated $26m to its cause.

Apparently bio-tech companies were unwilling to invest in the development of
vaccines for the main reason that those who need it most were poor and could
not afford it. A US-based company, Genetec, which tried, found its share
price drop dramatically on the stock markets.

The drug wars reached a head on the third day of the conference when a
fierce battle ensued on the floors, side rooms and even toilets of the
conference centre. The giant pharmaceutical companies were out to get firms
offering a no-name brand drugs for Aids sufferers.

Representatives of the large companies were busy on a misinformation
campaign to discredit generic drug manufacturers even though it had been
shown that some of the drugs made in Brazil and India were more effective
than the very expensive brand names.

The infighting got so bad that an international lobby group, Act-Up, called
a meeting at the offices of the Durban Chamber of Industries to resolve the
matter with government ministers from several countries.

The drug giants had complained that the generic drug manufacturers were
trying to cash in on a multi-billion dollar trade. "We are talking billions
here," one representative who did not want to be named said.

With no drug able to claim outright victory over Aids, the strategy shifted
to drugs or a combination of drugs that prevent mother to child transmission
of HIV. By the end of the week, cost/benefit analyses suggested victory for
Nevirapine which claimed to be more effective and less costly. Two single
doses to the mother, costing as little as R24 as compared to R1,608 for AZT
was said to reduce the risk of mother to child transmission of HIV by 47%.
There was also talk about differential pricing which could see a significant
reduction in the price of drugs and vaccines when exported to developing
countries.

Apparently of little consequence to these "First World" drug wars were
traditional healers. Representatives of traditional healers at the
conference seethed at the lack of respect shown them even though they
claimed that 90% of people in the most affected areas saw traditional
healers. Their holistic methods, they said, was far superior to Western
remedies and yet they were shunned even by their own governments.

In addition, "bio-piracy", a situation where Western drug companies steal
African remedies and pass them off as theirs, is rife and unremedied.
Incidentally, the two "most successful" African countries in dealing with
the Aids crisis happened to be those which had a programme of close
collaboration between traditional and Western therapies - Senegal and
Uganda. ä

Dissident voices

So where were the so-called Aids dissidents? Obviously the party was
organised by a very rich gentleman who goes by the initials HIV, and since
dissidents had not acknowledged his status and power, they were non-guests
at his feast. They were not on the agenda and had to resort to guerrilla
warfare, unofficially taking on anyone who dared to debate.

They took their case to the corridors as nobody would provide them with a
forum for a settled issue. Absent was the dissident guru, Peter Duesberg,
but another prominent dissident, Christine Maggiore, made it to print.

She reiterated her position mooted in her book, What if everything you
thought you knew about Aids was wrong. She was tested HIV positive and
negative and positive on numerous occasions, and fed on AZT that made her
sick, until she repudiated the HIV theory and refused any treatment.

She has lived a healthy life for eight years since her first diagnosis, and
has even given birth to a healthy baby. She called on everybody to reject
the HIV-Aids link and shun the so-called anti-retrovirals like AZT which she
describes as toxic.


Judgement day

At the end of it all, the focus had shifted from prevention and drugs to
hopes for a vaccine. Regrettably, sex was too powerful a force to prevent.
An African vaccine initiative between Kenya and South Africa, with financial
assistance from IAVI was going to be tested at Hlabisa, one of the worst
afflicted areas in the region of KwaZulu-Natal.

Nelson Mandela had the final word. He addressed the closing ceremony to
rapturous applause. Touching on the HIV-Aids dispute, he said: "I am old
enough and have gone through sufficient conflicts and disputes in my
lifetime to know that in all disputes a point is arrived at where no party,
no matter how right or wrong it might have been at the start of that
dispute, will any longer be totally in the right or totally in the wrong.
Such a point, I believe, has been reached in this debate."

He defended both the position of Mbeki and the integrity of the scientific
community and admonished all to put the primacy of politics or science on
the backburner and proceed to address the needs and concerns of those
suffering and dying. It can only be done in partnership. History was going
to judge them harshly if they did not. It was vintage Mandela at his
diplomatic best.


The aftermath

Long after the conference, media knives were still out for Mbeki - this time
on his refusal to supply anti-retroviral drugs to pregnant women on the
grounds of expense.

Economists have calculated the highest cost of saving a child's life from an
HIV-infected mother at R2,968 (£1 = R10 approximately), using the cocktail
of AZT and Nevirapine. Formula feeding instead of breastfeeding would put
the cost at R5,243.48, significantly less than the R18,966.70 that every HIV
positive child costs the state. The government seemed to be listening.

Also significant was a U-turn done by Judge Edwin Cameron, a renowned white
South African high court judge, who had publicly declared his HIV positive
status. He had, earlier on during the conference, slammed the Mbeki
government for its assertion that poverty was the root cause of the rapid
spread of the disease.

A week later, after the conference, he agreed with the government that
poverty played a crucial role in the pandemic. He laid onto "the fundamental
moral iniquities" of pharmaceutical companies who inflate the prices of
anti-retroviral drugs, which should cost little more than aspirin,
condemning millions of Africans who had Aids.

He openly apologised to the government, saying: "The government has the
right legal framework in place to combat HIV-Aids." It was some about-turn!

His strident condemnation of the government and his sudden repentance have
sent government critics scurrying for cover, and muttering about Mbeki
wanting to use the Aids issue as a weapon to redress colonial economic and
political wrongs.

If that was so, then it is a noble pursuit. And Africa can indeed be proud
of a political grandmaster who has thought 20 moves into the global chess
game of richman/poorman, plunderer/victim. If Aids cannot, then nothing can
move the "greedy" North to cancel Africa's debts and give a new Africa a
fighting chance to survive and triumph over adversity.


Copyright © IC Publications Limited 2000. All rights reserved. No part of
this site may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means or used
for any business purpose without the written consent of the publisher.
Whilst every effort has been made to ensure that the information contained
herein is as accurate as possible, the publisher cannot accept
responsibility for any consequences arising from its use.


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