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Saturday, October  14,  2000

Arab populace demands
action against Israel

Arab rhetoric at Israel and the US is tinged with self-loathing over the
singular failure of Arab states to vindicate the cause of the Palestinians,
writes David Hirst
MIDDLE EAST: In his workshop in suburban Beirut, Raef Hammoudi has been more
than usually busy painting Israeli and US flags, so high is the demand from
people demonstrating in support of the new Palestinian intifada. He does them
on non-absorbent cloth just an hour or so before they are due for ritual
burning because, he says, "I can"t stand them in my shop and they disgust my
clients."

Lebanon, as the freest and politically most diverse of Arab countries, is the
most eloquent sounding-board of Arab and Muslim emotions. True to form, it was
the first to react to the Palestinian drama, with those twin villains, Israel
and US, more automatically linked than ever as the target of the demonstrators'
wrath.

But, this time, Lebanon has been far from alone. The protests sweeping the Arab
world these days are by far the most persistent and widespread for many a year,
even reminiscent, some say, of the 1950s and '60s, when President Nasser, the
pan-Arab champion, used to rouse the masses from the Gulf to the Atlantic.

In Egypt, university students have been staging daily protest marches and sit-
ins for nearly two weeks now. Some demonstrations, liked those in Baghdad, were
state-sponsored. But most, like one, of particular significance, in tightly-
controlled Syria, were spontaneous; last week 4,000 people stoned the heavily
fortified US embassy, scaled its walls and tore down its flag, chanting
"Jerusalem is ours", "Down with America, Down with Israel."

There have been demonstrations in Tunis, Sudan, Libya, Morocco, Yemen and
Jordan. But, most strikingly, the protest has also spread to the Gulf, where
there is little tradition of street protest. In Oman, a huge throng of students
at Sultan Qabous University shouted "with our souls and blood we shall redeem
you, al-Aqsa". They demanded the closure of the Israeli trade mission in their
country: and on Thursday the government obliged.

The protests reached even into Saudi Arabia, heartland of archconservative
authoritarianism; thousands burned Israeli and American flags in the streets of
Sakakah in the kingdom's remote north. In Kuwait, where popular anti-
Palestinian sentiment runs deep, Islamists led a march for Palestine.

There is often a religious flavour to the outrage, be it Muhammad Tantawi,
Sheikh of Cairo's al-Azhar University, decreeing - in the name of establishment
Islam - that "force must now be our only weapon to confront Israel", or the 55
personalities, from Malaysia to Morocco, who - in the name of militant,
fundamentalist Islam - have issued a joint declaration proclaiming that
Israel's arrogance would never have reached the dimension it did were it not
for "Arab submissiveness and willingness to give in, instead of pursuing the
path of the intifada, resistance and struggle to liberate every handspan of
Palestine." But conventional patriotism, instinctive fellow-feeling with
Palestinian compatriots, is very much present too.

It is renewed, dramatic testimony to the abiding centrality of Palestine in the
Arab psyche. Yet, though this has been the most impressive such outpouring of
solidarity for years, the fact is that the same thing has been seen, in one
form or another, time and time again. And, repeatedly, emotion has failed to
translate into serious action. Palestine may be a great rallying-cry, but, to
many Arabs, it is also a badge of shame, a prime symptom of weakness and
disarray, of the rottenness and corruption of an Arab world once again
reminded, by the spectacle of Palestinian youths dying in unequal combat, that,
for all its wealth, numbers and geographic immensity, it is quite unable to
check the excesses of the historic foe.

The anathemas heaped on Israel/America may be genuinely felt, but, beneath
them, lies another, perhaps more significant emotion: self-disgust, a profound
exasperation with this Arab impotence, and above all with regimes which are the
chief expression of it. That emotion has long been an intrinsic part of the
contemporary Arab condition: but it always breaks surface on occasions like
this, not so much in the demonstrations, as in the lamentations of the Arab
media.

The fate of Muhammad Durra, the 12-year-old boy shot to death on the world's
television screens, had a very special resonance. Like other obituarists,
Sawsang al-Shaer wrote in the Kuwaiti newspaper al-Watan that not just Israeli
soldiers, the Arabs themselves, had the child's blood on their hands. "Do you
remember", she asked, "TV footage of Israeli soldiers breaking the bones of
Palestinian youth during the intifada a few years back?

"Didn't we fume and revolt and threaten? What happened afterwards? Nothing.
Didn't the sight of Muhammad appall everyone of us? What will happen now?
Nothing! Look what happened to oil prices. They (the West) made their views
known openly, taking no heed of our reaction because they knew there would be
none! Muhammad was killed before our eyes.  But they're not to blame. We are -
because we sell ourselves cheap."

The Arab leaders have finally decided to convene a summit conference to deal
with the crisis. But will it yield any results? Arab commentators are almost
unanimously saying that this time it had better - or else.

The growing anger of the Arab "street", the passionate rhetoric of the
intelligentsia, does seem to have begun seriously to alarm Arab leaders.
President Mubarak, who, to general derision, first proposed an "emergency"
summit to be held no sooner than January, brought it forward to October 21st.
Popular pressure did it. He himself has come under rare, direct criticism in
Egypt's socalled opposition newspapers."The Egyptian people are angry, Mr
President," said the editor of al-Wafd. "We demand the breaking of relations
with Israel. It is the minimum the people will accept."

Even the very official, statecontrolled press is sounding militant too. Ahmad
Ragab, perhaps Egypt's most popular columnist, said in al-Akhbar that the Arabs
should and could use "the oil weapon" to free Jerusalem, especially with an
energy crisis looming in the West. Instead, he added sarcastically, they have
"placed their oil under the protection of William Cohen, the US secretary for
the defence of Israel".

Saudi Arabia has agreed to attend the summit, thereby defying the US pressures
which are said to be a key reason for its traditional reluctance to do so. But,
more dramatically, Iraq has been invited too. Following the competitive
stampede of Arab civilian aircraft converging on Baghdad, that represents
another breakthrough in President Saddam Hussein's quest for international
rehabilitation. He is in exultant, belligerent mood, yesterday moving troops up
to his border with Jordan.

In language not far removed from his notorious "I-will-burnhalf-of-Israel"
speech on the eve of his invasion of Kuwait, he said this week: "You see how
many Arab kings and presidents we have, yet five million worthless people [the
Israelis] oppress our people in Palestine and slaughter our children. Let them
give Iraq a small adjacent piece of land and they'll see how quickly we finish
off Zionism."

There was a time when Palestine, as the Arab cause par excel- lence, had the
power to topple regimes and foment revolution. Some now openly hope it could do
so again. In the London-based al-Quds al-Arabi newspaper, leading platform of
Arab opposition movements, Abd al-Bari alAtwan wrote: "Mrs Albright is doing
her best to restore calm for the sake of Israeli and US interests. She knows
that the countdown to the end of US hegemony over the region has started and
that the spread of disturbances to Arab streets could shake Arab regimes that
take orders from Washington and lead to a worldwide energy crisis. . .

"We pray to God to prolong the intifada, turn it into the trigger that will
stir the Arab street to give vent to its accumulated frustrations - for there
is more than one Milosevic in the Arab world."

© 2000 ireland.com
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~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The libertarian therefore considers one of his prime educational
tasks is to spread the demystification and desanctification of the
State among its hapless subjects.  His task is to demonstrate
repeatedly and in depth that not only the emperor but even the
"democratic" State has no clothes; that all governments subsist
by exploitive rule over the public; and that such rule is the reverse
of objective necessity.  He strives to show that the existence of
taxation and the State necessarily sets up a class division between
the exploiting rulers and the exploited ruled.  He seeks to show that
the task of the court intellectuals who have always supported the State
has ever been to weave mystification in order to induce the public to
accept State rule and that these intellectuals obtain, in return, a
share in the power and pelf extracted by the rulers from their deluded
subjects.
[[For a New Liberty:  The Libertarian Manifesto, Murray N. Rothbard,
Fox & Wilkes, 1973, 1978, p. 25]]

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