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From
http://www.lewrockwell.com/healy/healy11.html

}}>Begin
"Traffic":
              This Is Your Government on Drugs
Reviewed
              by Gene Healy
A
              Hollywood blockbuster with a laudable political message? Is it
possible? Believe it or not, it is. The movie is Steven Soderberg’s "Traffic,"
              and its message is that the war on drugs is a hideous failure.
Libertarian
              cinema buffs will want to know the answer to two questions: (1)
              Is "Traffic" a good film? (2) Is it effective anti-drug-war
              propaganda? The answer to both is a qualified yes.
"Traffic"
              tracks the lives of various combatants and civilians in the drug
              war, some of whose paths intersect only tangentially, if at all.
              Michael Douglas plays the newly appointed U.S. Drug Czar, whose
              prep-school daughter descends into crack addiction as dad tries
              to adjust to his new job. Catherine Zeta-Jones (too pregnant during
              the filming to play Douglas’s daughter, apparently) is a young woman
              whose husband, unbeknownst to her, has been running much of the
              Southern California drug trade. Benecio Del Toro plays an honest
              Mexican cop (yeah, yeah, but it’s a movie) trying to stay
              alive and do a little good as he feeds a corrupt Mexican general
              to the DEA.
The
              film shifts rapidly from subplot to subplot throughout. At times,
              this moves the story along briskly; other times, it seems a little
              too brisk – as if designed for a stoner’s attention span. The jagged,
              hand-held-camerawork is unsettling – intentionally and effectively
              so. But the use of a yellow filter to shoot the Mexican scenes was
              pretty unsubtle: "Look: we’re in Mexico now. See how everything looks 
dingy?"
Happily,
              whatever weaknesses the film has are largely redeemed by the performance
              of Benecio Del Toro as Javier Rodriguez, the Mexican cop. Who knew
              that Del Toro, heretofore largely a B-movie bottom-dweller (see
              this year’s straight-to-video Way of the Gun. Or don’t.), had the
              stuff of greatness in him? With his bleary eyes, his hangdog face,
              and his air of infinite weariness, Del Toro makes the perfect noir 
antihero.
So
              "Traffic" is well worth seeing, independent of its message.
              How does it play as agitprop? How many of the key decriminalization
              arguments appear here, and how effectively are they presented?
The
              film is at its best demonstrating the futility of the drug war.
              It’s often been said that the drug warriors are doomed to failure
              because they’re socialists battling entrepreneurs; but it’s never
              been illustrated as dramatically as it is in "Traffic." Early on, a drug 
magnate turned government witness describes how
              he and his Mexican counterparts performed sophisticated statistical
              analyses on the likelihood of any individual courier getting caught,
              and simply flooded the system with enough mules to make the losses
              profitable. Later, another character displays the latest in high-tech
              smuggling: a child’s doll that appears to be plastic, but is actually
              made out of pressurized, impacted cocaine. The dolls are to be sent
              over by the truckload, and reconverted to powder stateside. Shortly
              after that scene, as the camera pans back, showing the vast line
              of cars waiting to pass through the customs station and enter the
              U.S., the absurdity of federal interdiction efforts becomes manifest.

In
              its portrayal of addiction, however, the film stumbles, and 
unintentionally undermines its decriminalizationist message. It’s one thing –
              and entirely believable – for Caroline Wakefield (Erika Christensen),
              the Drug Czar’s teenage daughter, to be a drug user. Jim Bovard’s
              Feeling
              Your Pain: The Explosion and Abuse of Government Power in the 
Clinton-Gore
              Years has a three-page list of prominent politicians’ kids
              who’ve been busted for possession and/or dealing in the last several
              years, and let off scot-free (pp. 103-105). But does Caroline have to 
become a full-fledged crack whore?
That’s
              not a figure of speech: in the space of a few weeks, the 16-year-old 
Caroline goes from booze and bong hits with her plaid-wearing, country-day-school
              friends, to turning tricks in a Cincinnati hot-pillow joint. What is 
this, an after-school special?
Is
              it too much to expect a movie that’s honest about the drug war to
              be honest about drugs? It’s certainly inadvisable to smoke crack,
              but there’s little evidence that one hit instantly turns an honors
              student into Robert Downey Jr. As psychologist Stanton Peele has
              pointed out, government data show that crack is no more habit-forming
              than powder cocaine – and neither is habit-forming enough to warrant
              hysteria. The NIH-funded National Institute on Drug Abuse surveys
              show that "in 1999, ten (9.8) percent of high school seniors
              report that they have ever used cocaine, and five (4.6) percent
              have used crack. In the last 30 days, three (2.6) percent used cocaine
              while one (1.1) percent used crack." As Peele explains, the
              figures show that "even with this youthful population, fewer
              than a third of those who have used crack used it in the last month."
Soderberg’s
              decision to take a "Reefer Madness" approach to crack
              is regrettable. Your average, nonideological American may well come
              out of the theatre thinking that the drug war’s a losing battle,
              but if it saves just one well-scrubbed middle-class child from the
              depravity depicted onscreen, then dammit, it’s worth fighting.
"Traffic"
              would have sent a more powerful message to SUV Nation had Soderberg 
focused more on the growing US police state engendered by the drug
              war. The American cops portrayed in the movie are dedicated, well-meaning
              public servants; drug prohibition apparently only causes police
              corruption down in Mexico (where everything’s a seedy yellow color).
              Would it have been so hard for Soderberg to include a tyrannical
              federal prosecutor coercing confessions through use of the criminal
              forfeiture statutes and mandatory minimum sentences? Or a pack of 
donut-munching paramilitaries kicking down the wrong door and terrorizing
              a law-abiding family?
Well,
              you can’t have everything. Even if it doesn’t make the best possible
              case against the drug war, "Traffic" may introduce the
              idea of decriminalization to many people who would otherwise accept
              prohibition as a given. And that’s a start. January
                12, 2001  Gene
                Healy is an attorney practicing in Northern Virginia.
Copyright
                © 2001 LewRockwell.com

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The only real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking
new landscapes but in having new eyes. -Marcel Proust
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The libertarian therefore considers one of his prime educational
tasks is to spread the demystification and desanctification of the
State among its hapless subjects.  His task is to demonstrate
repeatedly and in depth that not only the emperor but even the
"democratic" State has no clothes; that all governments subsist
by exploitive rule over the public; and that such rule is the reverse
of objective necessity.  He strives to show that the existence of
taxation and the State necessarily sets up a class division between
the exploiting rulers and the exploited ruled.  He seeks to show that
the task of the court intellectuals who have always supported the State
has ever been to weave mystification in order to induce the public to
accept State rule and that these intellectuals obtain, in return, a
share in the power and pelf extracted by the rulers from their deluded
subjects.
[[For a New Liberty:  The Libertarian Manifesto, Murray N. Rothbard,
Fox & Wilkes, 1973, 1978, p. 25]]

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