-Caveat Lector- <http://www.nytimes.com/2001/02/04/opinion/04SUN1.html> February 4, 2001 EDITORIAL Mr. Bush's Smooth Start Many Washington Democrats acknowledge with grudging admiration that the word "honeymoon" does not really capture the atmosphere of the first two weeks of the Bush presidency. Despite the understandably bitter reaction to John Ashcroft and to President Bush's anti-abortion stance on foreign aid, Democrats in Washington admit to being impressed by the new president's charm offensive, nicknames and all, and by the tactical dexterity of the White House's presentation of its agenda of issues. Mr. Bush's use of soothing words and symbolic acts has not been matched since Ronald Reagan's first days. In addition, the new president has surpassed both Mr. Reagan, his own father and Bill Clinton in making Congressional diplomacy an opening priority. But it is important that the admiration of Mr. Bush's salesmanship not blind us to the sharply ideological policies he is offering in a kind of personality bubble-wrap. Despite his charm, Mr. Bush has laid out legislative approaches or made appointments that represent a direct threat to abortion rights, to more than three decades of environmental progress and to the basic fairness of the tax system. In an echo of the Reagan era, Mr. Bush's combination of big tax cuts and missile defense plans could wreck a hard-won fiscal stability. There are other Reagan echoes in these first days. Like the Great Communicator, Mr. Bush is benefiting from diminished expectations. Democrats who had envisioned him stumbling into town are now admiring him for staying "on message," even if they dislike the message. Mr. Bush has also seemed smarter and verbally sharper than they expected. If not quite the policy maven that Mr. Clinton was, Mr. Bush has come across as a credible defender of his goals and programs. But we will know more about this new president when the time comes for switching from style to substance. One advantage of Mr. Bush's tireless talk of bipartisanship is that his own words can serve as a benchmark for evaluating his actions in the future. As Senator Max Baucus, a Montana Democrat, said after the closed meeting with Mr. Bush, "It will all be talk until we get the specifics." In a promising sign on education, Mr. Bush said that he would be willing to negotiate over vouchers. He also said he would be mindful of the constitutional problems in financing social programs through "faith based" organizations. Notwithstanding signs of flexibility, Democrats have to take seriously Mr. Bush's tough's opening positions and the influence of hard-line Republicans. The Democrats will have to persuade the newcomer in town to compromise on taxes and budget issues if he really wants comity on Capitol Hill. The tax package will be a crucial guide to Mr. Bush's philosophical commitment to rewarding the most affluent Americans. Democrats, while remaining open to cooperation, must not let Mr. Bush's charm offensive create an aura of legislative inevitability around his excessive tax cut. New estimates by the Congressional Budget Office put the 10-year surplus at $5.6 trillion, but that means only $2.7 trillion is really available if you assume, as most in Congress do, that the Medicare and Social Security surpluses are off- limits. As Democrats pointed out last week, the true cost of Mr. Bush's proposed tax cut plan is $2.3 trillion, and that does not count the inevitable add- ons for the corporate sector that are almost certain to be included in a final bill. No matter how agreeably he behaves, Mr. Bush simply cannot increase defense spending and education aid ó and also privatize Social Security ó without throwing the budget back toward the huge deficits created by the Reagan tax cuts. In the palmy atmosphere he has created in Washington, it is probably hard for him to realize that the tax cut and budget issues could determine the success of his presidency. As Representative Richard Gephardt, the House Democratic leader, pointed out to Mr. Bush in their meeting last week, both the president's father and Mr. Clinton had to raise taxes to close that deficit, and they paid for it dearly. The biggest mistake Mr. Bush could make is for him to talk bipartisanship and then try to pick off conservative Democrats to push through a tax cut that gives 43 percent of the benefits to the wealthiest 1 percent of taxpayers. Mr. Bush has already done quite a lot for the right wing of the Republican Party with his environmental moves and the Ashcroft appointment, a political mistake that we are betting Mr. Bush privately regrets. Even so, it would be only human for him to believe the magical good luck of his first two weeks will last forever. Everything has broken his way. Mr. Clinton's pardoning mania made Mr. Bush's arrival seem doubly refreshing. Alan Greenspan, the chairman of the Federal Reserve, created a friendly climate for cutting taxes. The California energy crisis did the same for Mr. Bush's sales pitch on energy. But good luck and amiability will not prevent deficits, as Mr. Reagan showed. And extreme, repressive social policies will not create a revered presidency, as history shows. ================================================================= Kadosh, Kadosh, Kadosh, YHVH, TZEVAOT FROM THE DESK OF: *Michael Spitzer* <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ The Best Way To Destroy Enemies Is To Change Them To Friends ================================================================= <A HREF="http://www.ctrl.org/">www.ctrl.org</A> DECLARATION & DISCLAIMER ========== CTRL is a discussion & informational exchange list. Proselytizing propagandic screeds are unwelcomed. Substance—not soap-boxing—please! These are sordid matters and 'conspiracy theory'—with its many half-truths, mis- directions and outright frauds—is used politically by different groups with major and minor effects spread throughout the spectrum of time and thought. That being said, CTRLgives no endorsement to the validity of posts, and always suggests to readers; be wary of what you read. 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